In August 1963, Israel＇s Prime Minister Levi Eshkol initiated the procedure for terminating the martial law in effect since the end of the War of Independence （1948） with regard to Israeli Arabs. Martial law discri...In August 1963, Israel＇s Prime Minister Levi Eshkol initiated the procedure for terminating the martial law in effect since the end of the War of Independence （1948） with regard to Israeli Arabs. Martial law discriminated against Israel＇s Arab minority, as opposed to the majority of Israel＇s society, as part of different issues bound up with this population＇s daily functioning. The aim of the paper is to present the reasons why Eshkol＇s doing away with the martial law stemmed was its ineffectiveness, while the other, and this makes up the core of our concern here, was his changing attitude toward the Arab minority in Israel, by contrast with that of his predecessor, David Ben Gurion The main conclusion of the paper is that even though Eshkol＇s ideas about the Arab minority were not very different from Ben Gurion＇s ideas one insisted on maintaining the military government in Israel, while the other saw this as unnecessary, and so brought it to an end. In August 1963, a few months after assuming office, Israel＇s Prime Minister Levi Eshkol initiated the first steps leading to the annulment of military rulet which had applied to Arabs in the State of Israel ever since the end of the War of Independence （1948）. This process was concluded some three years later. Military rule was lifted in effect on December 1, 1966. In the presentation, the author would like to look into the considerations which prompted Eshkol to take such a step, in light of the fact that his predecessor, Ben Gurion, was a staunch opponent of annulling the military regime, convinced as he was, even after the conclusion of his term in office, that the current state of affairs should remain in effect.展开更多
The Tu nationality （also called ＂Tu people＂ or ＂Tus＂ in the paper）, one of the multiple ethnic minorities in the Hehuang Region （河湟地区） between Gansu （甘肃） and Qinghai （青海） Provinces in the northwest...The Tu nationality （also called ＂Tu people＂ or ＂Tus＂ in the paper）, one of the multiple ethnic minorities in the Hehuang Region （河湟地区） between Gansu （甘肃） and Qinghai （青海） Provinces in the northwest China, has no written language of their own, but has already created the abundant and varied colorful literary genres. Since the 1980s, folktales, as the main literary product popular in the region, have received literary criticisms and reviews from scholars and researchers in China, based on the socialist realism dominant in China in the 20th century that emphasized more on contents, motifs and even ideological significance. So far, no breakthroughs have been made in their studies even if some young scholars have tried from the formalist viewpoints. Therefore, this paper attempts to make a morphological analysis of the Tus＇ folktales by adopting Propp＇s theories, trying to find out the morphological narrative model beneath the language level of the folktales. Through the studies, we can see that collective awareness bonded by kinship is more emphasized in Tus＇ culture, and almost all tales end with good defeating evil. Therefore, the studies of these folktales will help us deep understand Tus＇ psychological conditions and positive cultural life.展开更多
This paper will mention Marxist propositions, presented since the mid-19th century, about capitalism, socialism, and internationalism. According to Marx, socialism would replace capitalism and internationalism would o...This paper will mention Marxist propositions, presented since the mid-19th century, about capitalism, socialism, and internationalism. According to Marx, socialism would replace capitalism and internationalism would occur through the dissolution of nation states. Later, Marxist circles presented a historical arrow in the form of 〉 capitalism 〉 socialism 〉 internationalism. Taking into account recent steps of globalization and measures imposed by national governments in the face of the deep financial crisis of 2008, it is interesting to compare the above theory with some historical events that have happened since the 19th century. Much has happened that Marx did not predict. Considering the world trajectory since the Second World War, it seems that the historical arrow has the form of 〉 capitalism 〉 internationalism 〉 hybridism of capitalism and socialism 〉？展开更多
The old-aged confrontation between “East” and “West”, between “civilization” and “barbarism”, between “Christianity” and “Islam” came to new heights in the early modern times and found its arena in Central...The old-aged confrontation between “East” and “West”, between “civilization” and “barbarism”, between “Christianity” and “Islam” came to new heights in the early modern times and found its arena in Central Europe. Since the late 15th century, the Ottoman Turks had been feared as menace, as the most dreadful enemies not only of the inhabitants of the Habsburg ruled countries but of the whole world of Christianity, and the Ottoman Turks did pose a permanent threat to their neighbours in Central Europe. The situation changed around 1700 when the Habsburgs succeeded in integrating the entire Hungarian Kingdom into their empire. From the early 18th century onwards the Ottoman Turks were no longer regarded as fierce fighters but increasingly as neighbours living in an unknown and totally different world and gained more and more curious attention. This change was not only the consequence of the new balance in power politics but mainly a sequel of gaining much more information. Up to the late 17th century the knowledge about the Ottoman Turks was based primarily on what had been reported by ambassadors travelling to Constantinople while in the 18th century people of several strands of life reported about their experiences. After the Peace of Passarowitz in 1718 trade agreements between the two states enabled activities of merchants and tradesmen who learned to know things about their eastern neighbours which were totally new to the Middle European contemporaries. Additionally, some elements of this ＂oriental＂ culture were taken over and were to become typical for Central Europe later on. The Turks were curiously observed as strange and fascinating neighbours. In the course of the movement of enlightenment from the middle of the 18th century onwards one aspect of this culture lost much of its dreadfulness： the fact that the Ottoman Turks were infidels. So it did not take very long until Ottomans were seen as being capable of true humanity regardless their religion. In the 19th century the multiethnic state organizations of the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy became outmoded in this age of nationalism. They realized their common interests and started a cooperation which eventually ended up as alliance in theWorld War I. From the point of view of power politics however, the Ottoman Empire was regarded as “sick man at the Bosporus”. In the following the changes of the image are shown as an overview by observing the criteria against the background of the most important historical events. The details of how this process worked are still pretty murky. Further investigations are already on the way and will bring more light into the reasons and the mechanism of this development.展开更多
Toni Morrison＇s fiction may arguably be characterized as postmodern discourse on memory, history and culture. In her novels, the Nobel laureate frequently returns to the past to search for answers to the questions sh...Toni Morrison＇s fiction may arguably be characterized as postmodern discourse on memory, history and culture. In her novels, the Nobel laureate frequently returns to the past to search for answers to the questions she poses about African American realities in the contemporary United States. In doing so, Morrison often creates alternative histories or, more specifically, a usable past----one that allows her to engage in a literary （re-）construction of the Black historical and cultural material which traditional histories have chosen to ignore or disremember. Therefore, as a present-day writer of African American descent, Morrison attempts to reassemble all the fragmentary historical and cultural accounts available to her as a novelist and narrate them in the form of a convincing story. With regard to the above considerations, this article seeks to discuss some of the mechanisms employed by Morrison for weaving her postmodern, memory-filled narrative on the example of her eighth novel, Love （2003）. In particular, the analysis focuses on the book＇s central figure, Bill Cosey, and his Southern ocean-side resort--both seen against the backdrop of the pre- and post-World War II racist America, followed by the 1960s decade of the Civil Rights Movement. Finally, it is also demonstrated how the author＇s use of split narrative as well as the ＂I＂ narrator-cum-character technique contribute to recounting in retrospect Love＇s main, historicized story---one viewed and judged from a present-time perspective.展开更多
Tujia dance is an advanced, special form of human aesthetic activities. The so-called aesthetic, simply put, is to feel, and understand the objective things or phenomena presented by the United States itself： specifi...Tujia dance is an advanced, special form of human aesthetic activities. The so-called aesthetic, simply put, is to feel, and understand the objective things or phenomena presented by the United States itself： specifically, it refers to the people in their social practice and objective process of historical things or phenomena occur and construct a special performance relationship. There are basically three kinds of relationships of man and objective things or phenomena： firstly, cognitive relation of science; Secondly, ethical norms relations; thirdly, aesthetic performance relationship. Focus on the relationship between the performances of the aesthetic object vivid sense of the expressive form of regularity is the unity and purpose, with freedom. The essence of aesthetic is liberty. Art aesthetic and general aesthetic are different, mainly because of its aesthetic objects, which is based on works of art as an aesthetic object. General aesthetic contemplation of beauty of reality, the reality of objective things or phenomena, not as people practice the original object mad the object of knowledge exists. In social practice, they first form a rational understanding of relationships and will practice relationship. On this basis, when the society develops to the degree of no direct utilitarian attitude, practical attitude towards the object of an object only when there has been more mature, purely aesthetic relationship. The beauty of art is different from the reality beauty, which is produced and existed as an aesthetic object.展开更多
The unbalance development of education is a widespread problem around the world, and the most outstanding of it is the lag of the education development of minority regions. For the sake of developing the education of ...The unbalance development of education is a widespread problem around the world, and the most outstanding of it is the lag of the education development of minority regions. For the sake of developing the education of minority regions, the government adopted a lot of policies and measures, enacting special education policies is the important matter among them. The paper tries to take Du＇an autonomous county, Guangxi autonomous region as a case to explore the problems in the executive condition of minority regions＇ special education policies, and gives the suggestion for the government to accelerate the education development of minority regions.展开更多
Sportsmen who engage in sports in open natural settings are not always coherent in their behaviors towards environment; in fact, they seldom are. From survey made on a sport event the ＂Grand Raid 2010＂, a foot race ...Sportsmen who engage in sports in open natural settings are not always coherent in their behaviors towards environment; in fact, they seldom are. From survey made on a sport event the ＂Grand Raid 2010＂, a foot race in mountains of Reunion Island, the authors discover that these sportsmen are not the good activists fighting for a green planet that they imagine they are. The authors try to explain the disparity between the perception that they have of themselves and the reality of their practices.展开更多
In the Chinese higher education sector, Business English, a newly emerging discipline, has attracted great attention, and since it was approved officially in 2007, about 400 universities and colleges have offered this...In the Chinese higher education sector, Business English, a newly emerging discipline, has attracted great attention, and since it was approved officially in 2007, about 400 universities and colleges have offered this degree course to students. Among in-service Business English teachers, some of them have transferred from teaching English for General Purposes. Business English teachers face many changes and challenges to their professional identity, yet few scholars have looked into the identity construction of these teachers. Using critical narrative as a method, this paper closely examines the identity construction experiences of the first author and two other Business English teachers. It is found that the participants, including the first author himself, have endured identity negotiations and various challenges in turning from a teacher of English for General Purposes to a teacher of Business English. These teachers' experiences and their perception of identity construction and professional development throw light on the changing pedagogy and practice of Business English in Chinese universities.展开更多
China＇s 2012 leadership change revealed signs of factional divide at the top level. The elitist/princeling faction has outnumbered the populist faction. Princelings have better and stronger ties with the military, wh...China＇s 2012 leadership change revealed signs of factional divide at the top level. The elitist/princeling faction has outnumbered the populist faction. Princelings have better and stronger ties with the military, which tends to have a more hawkish view regarding any potential Taiwan independence. In Taiwan, changing social experiences have created a new Taiwan Residents identity, which is dif- ferent from that of the Chinese. People in Taiwan are increasingly thinking of themselves as Taiwan Residents instead of Chinese. On the mainland, Chinese popular nationalism has been on the rise, as anti-Taiwan independence remains one of the most nationalistic issues. When the forces of new identity and nationalism meet each other, a diverging path regarding the future of Taiwan is being created. Moreover, China＇s economic and military power continues to rise, giving China more confidence. I argue that the overall effect is that China＇s new leadership will increasingly have the capability to act tougher against any potential Taiwan Residents independence. The potential need to act tougher with Taiwan may be beyond the desire and control of Chinese elites due to the rise of popular nationalism in China and the leadership＇s need to maintain internal legitimacy and survival.展开更多
This paper examines the projection and reception of strategic narratives in the realm of Chinese nationalism and the impact of contemporary official nationalist discourse on Beijing＇s foreign policy making. Within th...This paper examines the projection and reception of strategic narratives in the realm of Chinese nationalism and the impact of contemporary official nationalist discourse on Beijing＇s foreign policy making. Within the analytic framework of political symbolism, the paper dissects the divergent national identities reflective in different semantic and syntactic relationships inherent in the state-crafted historical narratives in contemporary China. In the post-Tiananmen era, the signification of the traumatic symbol of national humiliation in modem Chinese history, projected in the form of strategic narratives by the Party-state in patriotic education, has given rise to a societal force that threatens to internalize the historical conflicts on the foreign relations fi：ont. The counter-effect of strategic narratives, which has constrained the rationality of the state＇s foreign policy making, implies that collective memory is not an on^ztemand resource for the authoritarian regime to exploit to enhance its legitimacy. The relationship between the Chinese state and society as the constructor and consumer of communicative nationalism cannot be simplistically dichotomized.展开更多
文摘In August 1963, Israel＇s Prime Minister Levi Eshkol initiated the procedure for terminating the martial law in effect since the end of the War of Independence （1948） with regard to Israeli Arabs. Martial law discriminated against Israel＇s Arab minority, as opposed to the majority of Israel＇s society, as part of different issues bound up with this population＇s daily functioning. The aim of the paper is to present the reasons why Eshkol＇s doing away with the martial law stemmed was its ineffectiveness, while the other, and this makes up the core of our concern here, was his changing attitude toward the Arab minority in Israel, by contrast with that of his predecessor, David Ben Gurion The main conclusion of the paper is that even though Eshkol＇s ideas about the Arab minority were not very different from Ben Gurion＇s ideas one insisted on maintaining the military government in Israel, while the other saw this as unnecessary, and so brought it to an end. In August 1963, a few months after assuming office, Israel＇s Prime Minister Levi Eshkol initiated the first steps leading to the annulment of military rulet which had applied to Arabs in the State of Israel ever since the end of the War of Independence （1948）. This process was concluded some three years later. Military rule was lifted in effect on December 1, 1966. In the presentation, the author would like to look into the considerations which prompted Eshkol to take such a step, in light of the fact that his predecessor, Ben Gurion, was a staunch opponent of annulling the military regime, convinced as he was, even after the conclusion of his term in office, that the current state of affairs should remain in effect.
文摘The Tu nationality （also called ＂Tu people＂ or ＂Tus＂ in the paper）, one of the multiple ethnic minorities in the Hehuang Region （河湟地区） between Gansu （甘肃） and Qinghai （青海） Provinces in the northwest China, has no written language of their own, but has already created the abundant and varied colorful literary genres. Since the 1980s, folktales, as the main literary product popular in the region, have received literary criticisms and reviews from scholars and researchers in China, based on the socialist realism dominant in China in the 20th century that emphasized more on contents, motifs and even ideological significance. So far, no breakthroughs have been made in their studies even if some young scholars have tried from the formalist viewpoints. Therefore, this paper attempts to make a morphological analysis of the Tus＇ folktales by adopting Propp＇s theories, trying to find out the morphological narrative model beneath the language level of the folktales. Through the studies, we can see that collective awareness bonded by kinship is more emphasized in Tus＇ culture, and almost all tales end with good defeating evil. Therefore, the studies of these folktales will help us deep understand Tus＇ psychological conditions and positive cultural life.
文摘This paper will mention Marxist propositions, presented since the mid-19th century, about capitalism, socialism, and internationalism. According to Marx, socialism would replace capitalism and internationalism would occur through the dissolution of nation states. Later, Marxist circles presented a historical arrow in the form of 〉 capitalism 〉 socialism 〉 internationalism. Taking into account recent steps of globalization and measures imposed by national governments in the face of the deep financial crisis of 2008, it is interesting to compare the above theory with some historical events that have happened since the 19th century. Much has happened that Marx did not predict. Considering the world trajectory since the Second World War, it seems that the historical arrow has the form of 〉 capitalism 〉 internationalism 〉 hybridism of capitalism and socialism 〉？
文摘The old-aged confrontation between “East” and “West”, between “civilization” and “barbarism”, between “Christianity” and “Islam” came to new heights in the early modern times and found its arena in Central Europe. Since the late 15th century, the Ottoman Turks had been feared as menace, as the most dreadful enemies not only of the inhabitants of the Habsburg ruled countries but of the whole world of Christianity, and the Ottoman Turks did pose a permanent threat to their neighbours in Central Europe. The situation changed around 1700 when the Habsburgs succeeded in integrating the entire Hungarian Kingdom into their empire. From the early 18th century onwards the Ottoman Turks were no longer regarded as fierce fighters but increasingly as neighbours living in an unknown and totally different world and gained more and more curious attention. This change was not only the consequence of the new balance in power politics but mainly a sequel of gaining much more information. Up to the late 17th century the knowledge about the Ottoman Turks was based primarily on what had been reported by ambassadors travelling to Constantinople while in the 18th century people of several strands of life reported about their experiences. After the Peace of Passarowitz in 1718 trade agreements between the two states enabled activities of merchants and tradesmen who learned to know things about their eastern neighbours which were totally new to the Middle European contemporaries. Additionally, some elements of this ＂oriental＂ culture were taken over and were to become typical for Central Europe later on. The Turks were curiously observed as strange and fascinating neighbours. In the course of the movement of enlightenment from the middle of the 18th century onwards one aspect of this culture lost much of its dreadfulness： the fact that the Ottoman Turks were infidels. So it did not take very long until Ottomans were seen as being capable of true humanity regardless their religion. In the 19th century the multiethnic state organizations of the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy became outmoded in this age of nationalism. They realized their common interests and started a cooperation which eventually ended up as alliance in theWorld War I. From the point of view of power politics however, the Ottoman Empire was regarded as “sick man at the Bosporus”. In the following the changes of the image are shown as an overview by observing the criteria against the background of the most important historical events. The details of how this process worked are still pretty murky. Further investigations are already on the way and will bring more light into the reasons and the mechanism of this development.
文摘Toni Morrison＇s fiction may arguably be characterized as postmodern discourse on memory, history and culture. In her novels, the Nobel laureate frequently returns to the past to search for answers to the questions she poses about African American realities in the contemporary United States. In doing so, Morrison often creates alternative histories or, more specifically, a usable past----one that allows her to engage in a literary （re-）construction of the Black historical and cultural material which traditional histories have chosen to ignore or disremember. Therefore, as a present-day writer of African American descent, Morrison attempts to reassemble all the fragmentary historical and cultural accounts available to her as a novelist and narrate them in the form of a convincing story. With regard to the above considerations, this article seeks to discuss some of the mechanisms employed by Morrison for weaving her postmodern, memory-filled narrative on the example of her eighth novel, Love （2003）. In particular, the analysis focuses on the book＇s central figure, Bill Cosey, and his Southern ocean-side resort--both seen against the backdrop of the pre- and post-World War II racist America, followed by the 1960s decade of the Civil Rights Movement. Finally, it is also demonstrated how the author＇s use of split narrative as well as the ＂I＂ narrator-cum-character technique contribute to recounting in retrospect Love＇s main, historicized story---one viewed and judged from a present-time perspective.
文摘Tujia dance is an advanced, special form of human aesthetic activities. The so-called aesthetic, simply put, is to feel, and understand the objective things or phenomena presented by the United States itself： specifically, it refers to the people in their social practice and objective process of historical things or phenomena occur and construct a special performance relationship. There are basically three kinds of relationships of man and objective things or phenomena： firstly, cognitive relation of science; Secondly, ethical norms relations; thirdly, aesthetic performance relationship. Focus on the relationship between the performances of the aesthetic object vivid sense of the expressive form of regularity is the unity and purpose, with freedom. The essence of aesthetic is liberty. Art aesthetic and general aesthetic are different, mainly because of its aesthetic objects, which is based on works of art as an aesthetic object. General aesthetic contemplation of beauty of reality, the reality of objective things or phenomena, not as people practice the original object mad the object of knowledge exists. In social practice, they first form a rational understanding of relationships and will practice relationship. On this basis, when the society develops to the degree of no direct utilitarian attitude, practical attitude towards the object of an object only when there has been more mature, purely aesthetic relationship. The beauty of art is different from the reality beauty, which is produced and existed as an aesthetic object.
文摘The unbalance development of education is a widespread problem around the world, and the most outstanding of it is the lag of the education development of minority regions. For the sake of developing the education of minority regions, the government adopted a lot of policies and measures, enacting special education policies is the important matter among them. The paper tries to take Du＇an autonomous county, Guangxi autonomous region as a case to explore the problems in the executive condition of minority regions＇ special education policies, and gives the suggestion for the government to accelerate the education development of minority regions.
文摘Sportsmen who engage in sports in open natural settings are not always coherent in their behaviors towards environment; in fact, they seldom are. From survey made on a sport event the ＂Grand Raid 2010＂, a foot race in mountains of Reunion Island, the authors discover that these sportsmen are not the good activists fighting for a green planet that they imagine they are. The authors try to explain the disparity between the perception that they have of themselves and the reality of their practices.
基金supported by Shanghai University of Finance and Economics [Grant No.2019110115]the National Research Fund for Social Sciences [Grant No.16BYY178]
文摘In the Chinese higher education sector, Business English, a newly emerging discipline, has attracted great attention, and since it was approved officially in 2007, about 400 universities and colleges have offered this degree course to students. Among in-service Business English teachers, some of them have transferred from teaching English for General Purposes. Business English teachers face many changes and challenges to their professional identity, yet few scholars have looked into the identity construction of these teachers. Using critical narrative as a method, this paper closely examines the identity construction experiences of the first author and two other Business English teachers. It is found that the participants, including the first author himself, have endured identity negotiations and various challenges in turning from a teacher of English for General Purposes to a teacher of Business English. These teachers' experiences and their perception of identity construction and professional development throw light on the changing pedagogy and practice of Business English in Chinese universities.
文摘China＇s 2012 leadership change revealed signs of factional divide at the top level. The elitist/princeling faction has outnumbered the populist faction. Princelings have better and stronger ties with the military, which tends to have a more hawkish view regarding any potential Taiwan independence. In Taiwan, changing social experiences have created a new Taiwan Residents identity, which is dif- ferent from that of the Chinese. People in Taiwan are increasingly thinking of themselves as Taiwan Residents instead of Chinese. On the mainland, Chinese popular nationalism has been on the rise, as anti-Taiwan independence remains one of the most nationalistic issues. When the forces of new identity and nationalism meet each other, a diverging path regarding the future of Taiwan is being created. Moreover, China＇s economic and military power continues to rise, giving China more confidence. I argue that the overall effect is that China＇s new leadership will increasingly have the capability to act tougher against any potential Taiwan Residents independence. The potential need to act tougher with Taiwan may be beyond the desire and control of Chinese elites due to the rise of popular nationalism in China and the leadership＇s need to maintain internal legitimacy and survival.
文摘This paper examines the projection and reception of strategic narratives in the realm of Chinese nationalism and the impact of contemporary official nationalist discourse on Beijing＇s foreign policy making. Within the analytic framework of political symbolism, the paper dissects the divergent national identities reflective in different semantic and syntactic relationships inherent in the state-crafted historical narratives in contemporary China. In the post-Tiananmen era, the signification of the traumatic symbol of national humiliation in modem Chinese history, projected in the form of strategic narratives by the Party-state in patriotic education, has given rise to a societal force that threatens to internalize the historical conflicts on the foreign relations fi：ont. The counter-effect of strategic narratives, which has constrained the rationality of the state＇s foreign policy making, implies that collective memory is not an on^ztemand resource for the authoritarian regime to exploit to enhance its legitimacy. The relationship between the Chinese state and society as the constructor and consumer of communicative nationalism cannot be simplistically dichotomized.
