The personal rights are the institute of civil law. They are the subject of legal regulation in Provisions § 11 and follows of Slovak Civil Code. Current legal regulation does not offer their definition, only enu...The personal rights are the institute of civil law. They are the subject of legal regulation in Provisions § 11 and follows of Slovak Civil Code. Current legal regulation does not offer their definition, only enumeration. Therefore, this situation makes good area for discovering if there are the next personal rights which have characteristic nature of this institute. It is important to analyze in which private relationships the personal right has the conditions for its full realization. It is important to discover in which kind of private relationships exist the personal rights which is typical for these relationships. This paper deals with the value of human personality--labour force. In the first part, the paper analyzes the nature of labour force and tries to show that labour force is the next personal right, using the method of analysis, induction, deduction, and synthesis. In the second part of the paper, it is labour force analyzed through its realization in labour relationships. This part of the paper tries to show that labour force is personal right typical for labour relationships, using the methods of analysis, synthesis, and generalization. The third part of the paper tries to evoke the discussion if the labour force is right or value.展开更多
This study examined Japanese patents in terms of the quantitative characteristics of application documents that resulted in the acquisition of rights in order to clarify the relationship between the features and paten...This study examined Japanese patents in terms of the quantitative characteristics of application documents that resulted in the acquisition of rights in order to clarify the relationship between the features and patentability of applications. The groups of approved applications and those that had not been approved were compared for 12 variables： publication time lag; numbers of inventors, classifications, pages, figures, tables, claims, priority claims, countries for priority claims, cited patents, and cited non-patent documents; and median of citation age. Furthermore, the authors carried out the experiments in which patent applications were automatically classified into two groups by the machine learning method, random forests. As a result, statistically significant differences between the two groups were observed for the following variables （p 〈 .001）： the numbers of inventors, pages, figures, claims, priority claims, and countries for priority claims were significantly larger in the group of approved applications, while the time lag until publication was smaller. In particular, the publication time lag and the numbers of inventors, pages, and figures were variables representing the features that largely contribute to discriminating approved applications in the classification using random forests, which implies that these have relatively strong relationships with patentability.展开更多
In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights....In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.展开更多
文摘The personal rights are the institute of civil law. They are the subject of legal regulation in Provisions § 11 and follows of Slovak Civil Code. Current legal regulation does not offer their definition, only enumeration. Therefore, this situation makes good area for discovering if there are the next personal rights which have characteristic nature of this institute. It is important to analyze in which private relationships the personal right has the conditions for its full realization. It is important to discover in which kind of private relationships exist the personal rights which is typical for these relationships. This paper deals with the value of human personality--labour force. In the first part, the paper analyzes the nature of labour force and tries to show that labour force is the next personal right, using the method of analysis, induction, deduction, and synthesis. In the second part of the paper, it is labour force analyzed through its realization in labour relationships. This part of the paper tries to show that labour force is personal right typical for labour relationships, using the methods of analysis, synthesis, and generalization. The third part of the paper tries to evoke the discussion if the labour force is right or value.
文摘This study examined Japanese patents in terms of the quantitative characteristics of application documents that resulted in the acquisition of rights in order to clarify the relationship between the features and patentability of applications. The groups of approved applications and those that had not been approved were compared for 12 variables： publication time lag; numbers of inventors, classifications, pages, figures, tables, claims, priority claims, countries for priority claims, cited patents, and cited non-patent documents; and median of citation age. Furthermore, the authors carried out the experiments in which patent applications were automatically classified into two groups by the machine learning method, random forests. As a result, statistically significant differences between the two groups were observed for the following variables （p 〈 .001）： the numbers of inventors, pages, figures, claims, priority claims, and countries for priority claims were significantly larger in the group of approved applications, while the time lag until publication was smaller. In particular, the publication time lag and the numbers of inventors, pages, and figures were variables representing the features that largely contribute to discriminating approved applications in the classification using random forests, which implies that these have relatively strong relationships with patentability.
文摘In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.
