Upon flaws of current blockchain platforms of heavyweight, large capacity of ledger, and time-consuming of synchronization of data, in this paper, we proposed a new paradigm of master-slave blockchain scheme(MSB) for ...Upon flaws of current blockchain platforms of heavyweight, large capacity of ledger, and time-consuming of synchronization of data, in this paper, we proposed a new paradigm of master-slave blockchain scheme(MSB) for pervasive computing that suitable for general PC, mobile device such as smart phones or PADs to participants in the working of mining and verification, in which we separated traditional blockchain model in 2 layer defined as master node layer and a series of slavery agents layer, then we proposed 2 approaches for partially computing model(PCM) and non-computing of model(NCM) in the MSB blockchain, Finally large amounts of simulations manifest the proposed master-slave blockchain scheme is feasible, extendible and suitable for pervasive computing especially in the 5 G generation environment, and can apply in the DRM-related applications.展开更多
In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights....In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.展开更多
基金supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China under Grant 61272519the Research Funds of Blockchain Joint Lab between BUPT and BCTthe joint Blockchain and Security Lab between BUPT and CAPSTONE
文摘Upon flaws of current blockchain platforms of heavyweight, large capacity of ledger, and time-consuming of synchronization of data, in this paper, we proposed a new paradigm of master-slave blockchain scheme(MSB) for pervasive computing that suitable for general PC, mobile device such as smart phones or PADs to participants in the working of mining and verification, in which we separated traditional blockchain model in 2 layer defined as master node layer and a series of slavery agents layer, then we proposed 2 approaches for partially computing model(PCM) and non-computing of model(NCM) in the MSB blockchain, Finally large amounts of simulations manifest the proposed master-slave blockchain scheme is feasible, extendible and suitable for pervasive computing especially in the 5 G generation environment, and can apply in the DRM-related applications.
文摘In this article, I examine the view that there is a human right to democracy, and consider why we should regard this issue as decisive in solving the problems of foreign interference in the protection of human rights. I also note that there has been almost no discussion about the holder of the human right to democracy, that is, who is to hold this right. After comparing John Rawls＇ argument against the human right to democracy and Thomas Christiano＇s argument for it and showing similarities and critical differences among their arguments, I insist that we ought to be sensitive when proclaiming that democracy--be it a minimally egalitarian democracy or a more exacting one--is a universal value. We have sufficient cause to consider carefully not only the political circumstances but also the political infrastructure of the country before we proceed to an even limited intervention in the name of the protection of a human right to democracy. If the human right to democracy is not just a right to vote, but a right to the whole process of establishment and enjoyment of democracy, it should be understood as a group right that pertains to a human population that legitimately claims political self-determination. Any human population that insists on the democratic self-determination of their political will is both able and entitled to establish and administer democratic institutions, regardless of the diversity of its ascribed or cultural characteristics. The establishment of such a group with a firm political identity should be considered as the political infrastructure to claim and exercise the human right to democracy.
