汉台语之部、微部关系词对应考

李方桂(1931)在其经典论文"切韵a的来源"中,从《诗经》三百篇的用韵以及谐声偏旁来考察,发现有一类a在切韵时代在诗韵里时,常同含有a??e(e)的字押韵,同时也跟这些字谐声,并跟上古音的部分之部字、侵部、职字及谈部、合部字有关,包括覃、谈,合、缉、咍、灰、之,这类字高本汉全部拟作*a。李先生认为它们一定另有来源。文章考察汉语和台语在之部、微部的对应词。研究发现,汉台语在之、微两部存在相当数量的关系词,可以建立语音对应。其中一部分台语对应词保留了某些古老特征。这些特征可以从侗水、仡央语中找到旁证。这类对应为汉台语的发生学问题提供了新材料,同时为古汉语及原始台语的构拟增添了新的佐证。另一些对应词则体现了汉语和台语各自不同的创新。

分析汉台语同源论的反面意见

汉台语之间是否有亲属关系到现在没有定论。丁邦新(2000,2005a,2005b,2008)认为汉台语是同源的,从方法论、构词法到基本数词都讨论过,但是对于别的学者提出的反面意见并没有加以反驳。1992年龚煌城、梅祖麟两先生发表《上古音对谈录》,基本上认为汉台语之间没有亲属的关系。文章将就他们的意见一一逐条检讨。

壮语“油脂”的地理分布与层次——兼析汉台语关系词“膋”

油脂”是语言中的核心词。壮语“油脂、脂肪”主要有man^(2)、la:u^(2)、ha^(3)三种形式,man^(2)主要分布在桂东北的北部壮语区,la:u^(2)在壮语南、北部方言区广泛出现,而ha^(3)则是右江流域的北部壮语方言的典型形式。根据壮语方言地理分布和侗台语族比较,推断man^(2)是侗台语的固有词;la:u^(2)为借词,闽语中“膋”的历史层次表明la:u^(2)借自中古前期南方汉语方言;ha^(3)则表现为壮语固有词“牛油”的语义扩大。壮语“油脂”词形的新旧层次为man^(2)→la:u^(2)→ha^(3)。近代以来壮语“油脂”词形的地理分布无显著变化。文章还试析了区分汉语和侗台语之间同源词、借词的方法。

汉语与台语“贼、战争、敌人”/“掠、偷、抢”的词汇对应

文章考察了汉语和侗台语在"贼、战争、敌人"和"掠、偷、抢"之间的词汇对应,发现两者在语音与构词方面有深层的对应,呈发生学特征,并跟藏缅语和孟高棉语进行了比较。

台语在汉语历史比较语言学中的地位和作用

台语和汉语在基本词汇和音韵方面有许多共同特征。有不少古汉语的特征,比如复辅音声母,谐声,在台语现代方言里还很好地保留着。这些特征为古汉语的构拟提供了宝贵的资料,同时也是汉台语发生学关系的坚实例证。

Study of Taiwan Residents children＇s application of noun and relative clauses in their oral responses

Over the past years studies have pointed out that 5 to 6-year-old children are able to use complex sentences in their oral language. Complex sentences may contain different kinds of subordinate or embedded clauses such as noun clauses, adverbial clauses or relative clauses, which again may be respectively divided into smaller units in terms of function and form. It is interesting therefore to investigate how subordinate clauses are applied by 5 to 6-year-old Chinese-speaking children. The present study, which is based on the verbal responses of 10 Taiwan Residents upper-level kindergarteners aged from 5.5 to 6.5 years, aims to investigate specifically how two kinds of subordinate clauses, namely noun and relative clauses, are applied in children＇s speech. Data analysis shows that of the 4 kinds of noun clauses, only object noun clauses are applied by the child-respondents. With their much more complex syntactic constructions, noun clauses, compliment noun clauses and appositive noun clauses do not appear in their oral responses at all. Concerning relative clauses and their derived participle phrases, none of the respondents apply any V＋的＋N construction in their verbal responses. The VO＋的＋N construction is used by 7 respondents, while the S＋的＋N construction is used by 5 respondents.