In the 40s and the 50s of the last century existed a largely shared conviction amongst the majority of social scientists in the US regarding the explanation of the theoretical philosophical roots of National Socialism...In the 40s and the 50s of the last century existed a largely shared conviction amongst the majority of social scientists in the US regarding the explanation of the theoretical philosophical roots of National Socialism. Contrarily to European writers, who searched its philosophical origins in irrational philosophical traditions, in the US, they relied upon the perception that Hegel＇s Philosophy of State was the most relevant ideological basis of National Socialism. Hegel＇s idea for the need of a strong state, seemed to clearly support the hypothesis. Herbert Marcuse, exiled in the United States, bad to confront himself with this conviction that academic colleague shared. This theoretical hypothesis was in tune to the Zeitgeist and the political context, in which anticommunism was growing stronger by the day and where the cold war was developing. Associating Hegel and National Socialism implied, for most of the hypothesis defenders yet another vantage point： it could discredit also Marx, for the tights links between his philosophical thinking and Hegel＇s one. For Marcuse this hypothesis was even more problematic knowing that in Germany, national socialist philosophers had rejected Hegel from the very first day their party came to power. In this article we try to analyze Marcuse＇s respective philosophical argument. The point of departure of this reconstruction is the philosophical interpretation of Hegel＇s theory of the State. Further than the historical context, the debate on Hegel and his theory of the State, is very relevant for today＇s debates, dominated by neoliberal ideologies, which often are starting from similar theoretical errors than the mentioned. In both cases exists a lack of understanding of the classic bourgeois content within the concept of the State, based on the French Revolution.展开更多
The neo-liberal re-positioning of the educational-explorative realm to a vocational market-confinement has already impacted quite heavily on the educational sector in England and Wales and is now being imposed on a Eu...The neo-liberal re-positioning of the educational-explorative realm to a vocational market-confinement has already impacted quite heavily on the educational sector in England and Wales and is now being imposed on a European wide scale. However, global as well as European students＇ protests illustrate that resistance to this ideology is gathering pace, and not only involves students and academics but also reaches wider parts of societies. This paper seeks to demonstrate the need for critical pedagogical practices that seek to sensitise students to the modes of current ＂conditions of domination＂. It further suggests critical criminologists to foster and engage in a process of public, intellectual, and intercultural exchange of ideas about education and educational institutions away from merely rationalistic, one-dimensional and profit-orientated ambitions toward a multitude of exchanges about meanings and purposes of such important socio-cultural and political institutions and processes that shape ＂subjectivities＂, inter-subjectivities and thus entire socio-cultural and political spheres. Such processes and active engagements are crucial to the agenda of critical criminologists, and perhaps most importantly, vital to the continued existence of a critical criminology that understands itself as proper ideology critique.展开更多
The author firstly describes the main trends of contemporary American jurisprudence, and then points out R.Dworkin’s theoretical role in the academia. Secondly, the author also classifies what Dworkin thought about t...The author firstly describes the main trends of contemporary American jurisprudence, and then points out R.Dworkin’s theoretical role in the academia. Secondly, the author also classifies what Dworkin thought about the concept of law, and explains the inadequacy of Dworkin’s ideas.展开更多
文摘In the 40s and the 50s of the last century existed a largely shared conviction amongst the majority of social scientists in the US regarding the explanation of the theoretical philosophical roots of National Socialism. Contrarily to European writers, who searched its philosophical origins in irrational philosophical traditions, in the US, they relied upon the perception that Hegel＇s Philosophy of State was the most relevant ideological basis of National Socialism. Hegel＇s idea for the need of a strong state, seemed to clearly support the hypothesis. Herbert Marcuse, exiled in the United States, bad to confront himself with this conviction that academic colleague shared. This theoretical hypothesis was in tune to the Zeitgeist and the political context, in which anticommunism was growing stronger by the day and where the cold war was developing. Associating Hegel and National Socialism implied, for most of the hypothesis defenders yet another vantage point： it could discredit also Marx, for the tights links between his philosophical thinking and Hegel＇s one. For Marcuse this hypothesis was even more problematic knowing that in Germany, national socialist philosophers had rejected Hegel from the very first day their party came to power. In this article we try to analyze Marcuse＇s respective philosophical argument. The point of departure of this reconstruction is the philosophical interpretation of Hegel＇s theory of the State. Further than the historical context, the debate on Hegel and his theory of the State, is very relevant for today＇s debates, dominated by neoliberal ideologies, which often are starting from similar theoretical errors than the mentioned. In both cases exists a lack of understanding of the classic bourgeois content within the concept of the State, based on the French Revolution.
文摘The neo-liberal re-positioning of the educational-explorative realm to a vocational market-confinement has already impacted quite heavily on the educational sector in England and Wales and is now being imposed on a European wide scale. However, global as well as European students＇ protests illustrate that resistance to this ideology is gathering pace, and not only involves students and academics but also reaches wider parts of societies. This paper seeks to demonstrate the need for critical pedagogical practices that seek to sensitise students to the modes of current ＂conditions of domination＂. It further suggests critical criminologists to foster and engage in a process of public, intellectual, and intercultural exchange of ideas about education and educational institutions away from merely rationalistic, one-dimensional and profit-orientated ambitions toward a multitude of exchanges about meanings and purposes of such important socio-cultural and political institutions and processes that shape ＂subjectivities＂, inter-subjectivities and thus entire socio-cultural and political spheres. Such processes and active engagements are crucial to the agenda of critical criminologists, and perhaps most importantly, vital to the continued existence of a critical criminology that understands itself as proper ideology critique.
文摘The author firstly describes the main trends of contemporary American jurisprudence, and then points out R.Dworkin’s theoretical role in the academia. Secondly, the author also classifies what Dworkin thought about the concept of law, and explains the inadequacy of Dworkin’s ideas.
