If the demise of the Soviet system allowed some to think of a global triumph of Western democracy and capitalism, as well as of an unchallenged American hegemony over the world, it became clear over the last decade th...If the demise of the Soviet system allowed some to think of a global triumph of Western democracy and capitalism, as well as of an unchallenged American hegemony over the world, it became clear over the last decade that not only were other nations beginning to have their say in international affairs, such as the BRICs and the IBAS, but, and most importantly, that other political cultures were also emerging, especially some from the Southern hemisphere. This paper examines, first, the possible contribution Brazil and other Latin American societies could give to the world, helping to shape an ideal of democracy more open to what we will call democratic affectivity, which would replace a too rational view of politics; and, then, the importance of China and other nations that due to their cultural identities, wealth, population, and territory, but above all their political will, can negotiate the terms of their globalization, fundamentally changing the ways it has been conceived of in the years after 1989.展开更多
文摘If the demise of the Soviet system allowed some to think of a global triumph of Western democracy and capitalism, as well as of an unchallenged American hegemony over the world, it became clear over the last decade that not only were other nations beginning to have their say in international affairs, such as the BRICs and the IBAS, but, and most importantly, that other political cultures were also emerging, especially some from the Southern hemisphere. This paper examines, first, the possible contribution Brazil and other Latin American societies could give to the world, helping to shape an ideal of democracy more open to what we will call democratic affectivity, which would replace a too rational view of politics; and, then, the importance of China and other nations that due to their cultural identities, wealth, population, and territory, but above all their political will, can negotiate the terms of their globalization, fundamentally changing the ways it has been conceived of in the years after 1989.
