Conflict between India and China at the Galwan Valley has brought their bilateral relations to the lowest point since the border war in 1962.Although this conflict appeared incidental,it in fact was the inevitable res...Conflict between India and China at the Galwan Valley has brought their bilateral relations to the lowest point since the border war in 1962.Although this conflict appeared incidental,it in fact was the inevitable result of India's tough foreign policy featuring"high risk,high yield"pursued by the Modi administration toward China.The subsequent measures of India's tough diplomacy toward China have become more frequent,reflecting both a desire to seek revenge and a deep level of India's logic.Such logic considers not only the policy inertia of India's long-term pursuit of absolute security and dominance in the regional order.but also the intention of Modi's government to overtake China by taking advantages of India's favorable external strategic environment.The existing structural contradictions in China-India relations and the right-leaning tendencies in India's domestic political ecology have laid the groundwork for this conflict to occur and for the Modi administration to pursue a tough foreign policy toward China.This conflict has once again shown the rapid decay of the existing operational mechanism and architecture of thei bilateral relations,which can no longer smooth over the complex interactions between the two major emerging neighbors.As a result,the moment has arrived for China and India to restructure their relations,otherwise their relationship can hardly be continued.展开更多
China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shang...China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)was established in 2001,China,as one of its major founders,had attempted to use the SCO as a platform for influence beyond its borders.This paper aims to investigate China’s growing influence and diplomatic prowess through the SCO.展开更多
The Iraq war and the North Korean nuclear crisis are the two big events that are attracting worldwide attention. The many debates and changes that have arisen around the globe from these two issues, with the former in...The Iraq war and the North Korean nuclear crisis are the two big events that are attracting worldwide attention. The many debates and changes that have arisen around the globe from these two issues, with the former in particular, cannot but cause展开更多
Speaking of "China’s foreign policy under new circumstances," there are five features of the new circumstances in my opinion. All these five features will not fundamentally change in accordance with major e...Speaking of "China’s foreign policy under new circumstances," there are five features of the new circumstances in my opinion. All these five features will not fundamentally change in accordance with major events such as the Iraq war, and to a certain extent, determine that China’s basic foreign policy need not and will not make major adjustments.展开更多
The paper examines the root causes of Japan＇s rapid shift to foreign policy activism. To explain the causes, I develop the so-called ＂perverse political accountability＂ approach. Specifically, the approach claims t...The paper examines the root causes of Japan＇s rapid shift to foreign policy activism. To explain the causes, I develop the so-called ＂perverse political accountability＂ approach. Specifically, the approach claims that a growing security challenge from China and North Korea, and US policy favoring Japan＇s foreign policy activism structure. Japan＇s domestic political condition that the majority of Japanese people become more conservative and nationalistic. Such shift in the Japanese people＇s preference has been both creating and reinforcing a perverse accountability by which the leaders or parties willing to adopt hard-line foreign policies are better off electorally while the leaders or parties remaining soft-line on foreign affairs are worse off. The perverse accountability not only leads to a severe partisan imbalance between the conservative parties and the leftist parties, but also gives the most conservative party, e.g., the Liberal Democratic Party （LDP）, a greater chance of coming to office and of pursuing assertive foreign policy they favor. Thus, the perverse accountability is at the center of current Japan＇s turn to foreign policy activism. This finding contributes to an enhanced understanding for Japan＇s shift to assertive foreign policy.展开更多
The Exit and Entry Administration Law of the People＇s Republic of China （hereinafter Exit and Entry Law）, adopted by the National People＇s Congress in June of 2012, took effect on July 1, 2013. Relevant administra...The Exit and Entry Administration Law of the People＇s Republic of China （hereinafter Exit and Entry Law）, adopted by the National People＇s Congress in June of 2012, took effect on July 1, 2013. Relevant administrative regulations and rules, including those on the visa system and the employment of foreigners, are expected to be updated in accordance with the new law. The changes are aimed at addressing the illegal stay and illegal employment of foreigners living in China. According to the new law, visas for China are divided into four categories： diplomatic visa, courtesy visa, official visa and ordinary visa. The following are some important articles：展开更多
China＇s outward FDI has been increasing recently, as the country＇s policies over industrialization and national security change. Using financial data of 244 Chinese enterprises, this study empirically investigates t...China＇s outward FDI has been increasing recently, as the country＇s policies over industrialization and national security change. Using financial data of 244 Chinese enterprises, this study empirically investigates the patterns and determinants of China＇s outward FDI from 2001 to 2008 for its seven major destinations. Tobit and multiple regression analyses indicate that early Chinese FDI in 2001 and 2002 is concentrated in the labor-intensive industries in Asia, like those of early Japanese FDI in the early 1970s as well as those of Korean FDI in 1990s. The results also indicate that non-production oriented manufacturers invested in North America, in order to seek for market cultivation, technological advance, R＆D skills, and name brands. We also found that the central state-owned enterprises are the key FDI players in the continents with locational disadvantages展开更多
The paper analyses the roots of the Belt and Road Initiative as well as China＇s Middle East Energy Policy in an age of great transformation. China＇s rapidly progressed economic growth leading to a dramatic increase ...The paper analyses the roots of the Belt and Road Initiative as well as China＇s Middle East Energy Policy in an age of great transformation. China＇s rapidly progressed economic growth leading to a dramatic increase in China＇s energy demand in recent years. The Middle East countries play a critical role in the international energy markets. Stable relations with the Middle East countries become increasingly important for Chinese energy security, and the continued development. The protection of these relations lies at the core of the Belt and Road Initiative. Within The Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese Middle East energy policy proceeds according to the energy cooperation framework known as ＂1＋2＋3＂, which seeks to build a reliable China-Arab strategic cooperative relationship based on long-term friendship. To avoid over dependence on the energy resources of the Middle East, China will also continue to search for other overseas energy sources and protect transportation channels. Despite risks and challenges associated with energy imports from the Middle East, China has cultivated strong relations with states in the region and will develop these economic ties further in the coming years.展开更多
文摘Conflict between India and China at the Galwan Valley has brought their bilateral relations to the lowest point since the border war in 1962.Although this conflict appeared incidental,it in fact was the inevitable result of India's tough foreign policy featuring"high risk,high yield"pursued by the Modi administration toward China.The subsequent measures of India's tough diplomacy toward China have become more frequent,reflecting both a desire to seek revenge and a deep level of India's logic.Such logic considers not only the policy inertia of India's long-term pursuit of absolute security and dominance in the regional order.but also the intention of Modi's government to overtake China by taking advantages of India's favorable external strategic environment.The existing structural contradictions in China-India relations and the right-leaning tendencies in India's domestic political ecology have laid the groundwork for this conflict to occur and for the Modi administration to pursue a tough foreign policy toward China.This conflict has once again shown the rapid decay of the existing operational mechanism and architecture of thei bilateral relations,which can no longer smooth over the complex interactions between the two major emerging neighbors.As a result,the moment has arrived for China and India to restructure their relations,otherwise their relationship can hardly be continued.
文摘China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)was established in 2001,China,as one of its major founders,had attempted to use the SCO as a platform for influence beyond its borders.This paper aims to investigate China’s growing influence and diplomatic prowess through the SCO.
文摘The Iraq war and the North Korean nuclear crisis are the two big events that are attracting worldwide attention. The many debates and changes that have arisen around the globe from these two issues, with the former in particular, cannot but cause
文摘Speaking of "China’s foreign policy under new circumstances," there are five features of the new circumstances in my opinion. All these five features will not fundamentally change in accordance with major events such as the Iraq war, and to a certain extent, determine that China’s basic foreign policy need not and will not make major adjustments.
文摘The paper examines the root causes of Japan＇s rapid shift to foreign policy activism. To explain the causes, I develop the so-called ＂perverse political accountability＂ approach. Specifically, the approach claims that a growing security challenge from China and North Korea, and US policy favoring Japan＇s foreign policy activism structure. Japan＇s domestic political condition that the majority of Japanese people become more conservative and nationalistic. Such shift in the Japanese people＇s preference has been both creating and reinforcing a perverse accountability by which the leaders or parties willing to adopt hard-line foreign policies are better off electorally while the leaders or parties remaining soft-line on foreign affairs are worse off. The perverse accountability not only leads to a severe partisan imbalance between the conservative parties and the leftist parties, but also gives the most conservative party, e.g., the Liberal Democratic Party （LDP）, a greater chance of coming to office and of pursuing assertive foreign policy they favor. Thus, the perverse accountability is at the center of current Japan＇s turn to foreign policy activism. This finding contributes to an enhanced understanding for Japan＇s shift to assertive foreign policy.
文摘The Exit and Entry Administration Law of the People＇s Republic of China （hereinafter Exit and Entry Law）, adopted by the National People＇s Congress in June of 2012, took effect on July 1, 2013. Relevant administrative regulations and rules, including those on the visa system and the employment of foreigners, are expected to be updated in accordance with the new law. The changes are aimed at addressing the illegal stay and illegal employment of foreigners living in China. According to the new law, visas for China are divided into four categories： diplomatic visa, courtesy visa, official visa and ordinary visa. The following are some important articles：
文摘China＇s outward FDI has been increasing recently, as the country＇s policies over industrialization and national security change. Using financial data of 244 Chinese enterprises, this study empirically investigates the patterns and determinants of China＇s outward FDI from 2001 to 2008 for its seven major destinations. Tobit and multiple regression analyses indicate that early Chinese FDI in 2001 and 2002 is concentrated in the labor-intensive industries in Asia, like those of early Japanese FDI in the early 1970s as well as those of Korean FDI in 1990s. The results also indicate that non-production oriented manufacturers invested in North America, in order to seek for market cultivation, technological advance, R＆D skills, and name brands. We also found that the central state-owned enterprises are the key FDI players in the continents with locational disadvantages
文摘The paper analyses the roots of the Belt and Road Initiative as well as China＇s Middle East Energy Policy in an age of great transformation. China＇s rapidly progressed economic growth leading to a dramatic increase in China＇s energy demand in recent years. The Middle East countries play a critical role in the international energy markets. Stable relations with the Middle East countries become increasingly important for Chinese energy security, and the continued development. The protection of these relations lies at the core of the Belt and Road Initiative. Within The Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese Middle East energy policy proceeds according to the energy cooperation framework known as ＂1＋2＋3＂, which seeks to build a reliable China-Arab strategic cooperative relationship based on long-term friendship. To avoid over dependence on the energy resources of the Middle East, China will also continue to search for other overseas energy sources and protect transportation channels. Despite risks and challenges associated with energy imports from the Middle East, China has cultivated strong relations with states in the region and will develop these economic ties further in the coming years.
