It has been five years since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was first introduced. Though there has been a growing body of literature on regional cooperation between covered countries, Japan and South Korea have be...It has been five years since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was first introduced. Though there has been a growing body of literature on regional cooperation between covered countries, Japan and South Korea have been barely discussed. This paper starts with the consensus-based mechanism of a China-Japan-South Korea Free Trade Area (FTA) to probe the approach of its alignment with the BRI in terms of the sequence of “master plans,”“viability of cooperation,” and “embedding of rules.” This inquiry found that the three countries have a shared interest in cooperation in Central Asia to which China prefers a pragmatic approach, while Japan and South Korea an approach combining idealism with pragmatism. Given the huge potential of cooperation between the trio, it is suggested that a “Central Asia chapter” be incorporated in the negotiation framework of this trilateral FTA, and that the design feature three aspects;fundamental principles, specific rules, and an executive body with a view to functionally contributing to regional trade integration in Asia. This approach may also be applied to the alignment of other Asian areas with the BRI.展开更多
The current global financial and economic crisis is giving new life to initiatives that promote closer economic integration among East Asian countries. A significant example is the ASEAN- China Free Trade Area （.4 C...The current global financial and economic crisis is giving new life to initiatives that promote closer economic integration among East Asian countries. A significant example is the ASEAN- China Free Trade Area （.4 CFTA）, which is set to come into effect around 2010..4CFTA aims to boost trade between two economies that are partners as well as competitors： ASEAN and China. In the present paper, we use insights from customs union theory in a qualitative analysis considering whether,4CFTA would benefit both sides. We also apply a computable general equilibrium model to perform a quantitative analysis of the same issue. Both our qualitative and quantitative analyses provide grounds for guarded optimism regarding A CFTA ＇s prospects as a vehicle for strengthening the economic partnership between ASEAN and China.展开更多
Choosing an important occasion to announce the decision to build Hainan Province a FTA has further released the important signal that China is heading towards the new stage of opening-up.On April 13th,2018,Xi Jinping,...Choosing an important occasion to announce the decision to build Hainan Province a FTA has further released the important signal that China is heading towards the new stage of opening-up.On April 13th,2018,Xi Jinping,General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China(CPC)and President of China,solemnly announced at the conference in celebrating the 30th anniversary of the Hainan Province-run Special Economic Zone that the CPC Central Committee decides to support the construction of a pilot free trade area on the whole island of Hainan province.展开更多
The Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area （FTAAP） has become a topic of focus since the proposal was first raised in 2004. The present paper considers China＇s policy towards the FTAAP from apolitical economy perspective by ...The Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area （FTAAP） has become a topic of focus since the proposal was first raised in 2004. The present paper considers China＇s policy towards the FTAAP from apolitical economy perspective by probing the gains, impediments and concerns for China, and makes judgments based on several possible scenarios. The author argues that from an economic perspective, China would benefit from joining the FTAAP both in a static and a dynamic manner because both its main trade partners and trade barriers in export markets are concentrated in the Asia-Pacific region. However, whether the Chinese Government is likely to support the initiative is largely dependent on certain crucial political and diplomatic elements, including the APEC approach, US-Chinese relations, quality of treaty, sensitive sectors, competitive proposal of alternative and membership of Chinese Taipei. Therefore, if the Chinese Government cannot ratify the ideology and terms of the initiative, or issues that are central to China＇s interests are not addressed, the FTAAP will only remain a proposal possessing economic possibility in the long run, without political feasibility in the near term.展开更多
基金funded by the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities
文摘It has been five years since the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was first introduced. Though there has been a growing body of literature on regional cooperation between covered countries, Japan and South Korea have been barely discussed. This paper starts with the consensus-based mechanism of a China-Japan-South Korea Free Trade Area (FTA) to probe the approach of its alignment with the BRI in terms of the sequence of “master plans,”“viability of cooperation,” and “embedding of rules.” This inquiry found that the three countries have a shared interest in cooperation in Central Asia to which China prefers a pragmatic approach, while Japan and South Korea an approach combining idealism with pragmatism. Given the huge potential of cooperation between the trio, it is suggested that a “Central Asia chapter” be incorporated in the negotiation framework of this trilateral FTA, and that the design feature three aspects;fundamental principles, specific rules, and an executive body with a view to functionally contributing to regional trade integration in Asia. This approach may also be applied to the alignment of other Asian areas with the BRI.
文摘The current global financial and economic crisis is giving new life to initiatives that promote closer economic integration among East Asian countries. A significant example is the ASEAN- China Free Trade Area （.4 CFTA）, which is set to come into effect around 2010..4CFTA aims to boost trade between two economies that are partners as well as competitors： ASEAN and China. In the present paper, we use insights from customs union theory in a qualitative analysis considering whether,4CFTA would benefit both sides. We also apply a computable general equilibrium model to perform a quantitative analysis of the same issue. Both our qualitative and quantitative analyses provide grounds for guarded optimism regarding A CFTA ＇s prospects as a vehicle for strengthening the economic partnership between ASEAN and China.
文摘Choosing an important occasion to announce the decision to build Hainan Province a FTA has further released the important signal that China is heading towards the new stage of opening-up.On April 13th,2018,Xi Jinping,General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China(CPC)and President of China,solemnly announced at the conference in celebrating the 30th anniversary of the Hainan Province-run Special Economic Zone that the CPC Central Committee decides to support the construction of a pilot free trade area on the whole island of Hainan province.
基金The paper is a revised version based on the contribution to the APEC/ABAC/PECC Project on "The Feasibility of the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific" (2006).
文摘The Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area （FTAAP） has become a topic of focus since the proposal was first raised in 2004. The present paper considers China＇s policy towards the FTAAP from apolitical economy perspective by probing the gains, impediments and concerns for China, and makes judgments based on several possible scenarios. The author argues that from an economic perspective, China would benefit from joining the FTAAP both in a static and a dynamic manner because both its main trade partners and trade barriers in export markets are concentrated in the Asia-Pacific region. However, whether the Chinese Government is likely to support the initiative is largely dependent on certain crucial political and diplomatic elements, including the APEC approach, US-Chinese relations, quality of treaty, sensitive sectors, competitive proposal of alternative and membership of Chinese Taipei. Therefore, if the Chinese Government cannot ratify the ideology and terms of the initiative, or issues that are central to China＇s interests are not addressed, the FTAAP will only remain a proposal possessing economic possibility in the long run, without political feasibility in the near term.
