Promoting China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation:challenges,opportunities and recommendations

Arctic education refers not only to the teaching,but also to research,communication,dissemination as well as popularization of knowledge related to the Arctic.This article reviews joint efforts between Chinese and American educators and researchers to promote cooperation and understanding in Arctic education and research,and examines the facing challenges of China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation which include current political or economic tensions between the two countries,the differing perspectives and priorities on Arctic policy,the disproportion in Arctic scientific research,different research methodologies and discourse system in social science.This article also argues that there are opportunities for the two countries to cooperate in Arctic education.Common goals and interests in the Arctic,Arctic-dedicated institutions with significant Arctic research capabilities and partnerships around the world provide foundations for Arctic education cooperation.The implementation of a new science-based Arctic treaty of the Arctic Council is an opportunity for China-U.S.Arctic education cooperation.As for future cooperation,it suggests that in addition to promoting the direct bilateral cooperation,cooperation within international cooperation platforms and mechanisms,especially within the Arctic Council also needs to be further promoted.

China-US Trade Relations:Win-Win Picture Distorted

At present China-U.S.trade relations are in a state of confusion.Although both countries have gained tremendous benefits from the bilateral trade relationship,some Americans have intentionally distorted some basic facts regarding China-U.S.trade relations. Based on an analysis of some official and nonofficial research reports published in the United States,this article holds that the China-U.S.trade imbalance is the symptom of a bigger issue stemming from the contradiction between the United States as the world's sole superpower and China as an emerging power.Economic globalisation came about due to the needs of western developed countries represented by the United States to boost economic development.Only by seizing the opportunities of economic globalisation, has China gained strong economic growth. Such a development is changing the world political,economic,military and cultural landscape that have been shaped since the post-cold-war era,and has to some extent raised doubt or suspicion on the part of the United States and its western allies.This is a manifestation of how unprepared some people in the United States and other western countries are in the face of China's rapid development and rising status.So,their immediate reaction has been to seek protection for themselves,and try their utmost to prevent China's rapid growth from impacting on the international framework and their vested interests.

Expectations for Future China-U.S. Relations

The heads of state of China and the U.S. reached a consensus in Osaka at the end of June, agreeing to restart trade negotiations on the basis of equality and mutual respect. The U.S. side stated that it would no longer impose new tariffs on Chinese imports, sending a positive sign of the U.S.-China relationship to the international community. On July 3, the Washington Post published an open letter signed by 100 people from the academic, diplomatic, military, and business circles of the U.S. to President Trump and the U.S. Congress, affirming that the consensus is the intention of the two peoples and is in line with the expectations of the international community. The decline in U.S.- China relations is not in line with U.S. and global interests, and China is not an enemy of the U.S., nor does China pose a threat to U.S. national security.

China-U.S. Relations and International Trade

Dr.Elliot Feldman on April 15,2010 presented the following speech at AmCham-China's Conference of the Asia-Pacific Council of American Chambers of Commerce(APCAC).With his kind approval,China Textile publishes his study and views focused on the title as captioned above.The article expresses the author's own stance.

A Corpus-Based Analytical Study on Military and Security Developments Involving People＇s Republic of China

This paper contrasts Military Power of the People＇s Republic of China from the year of 2000 to 2009 and Military and Security Developments Involving People＇s Republic of China from the year 2010 to 2013 with corpus analysis. It distinguishes the new reports＇ differences from the old ones and tries to explore American＇s discourse colonization and discourse hegemony through corpus software WordSmith 5.0-Keywords and Concordance analysis of high frequency words. The significance of the study is that it enlightens military texts which will influence audiences＇ viewpoints and provides a new perspective for strategies replying American media war.

U.S.’ Recognition, Evaluation of China-U.S. Educational Cooperation and Its Enlightenment to China--Analysis Based on the Survey Reports by U.S.’Policy Elites

Educational cooperation is one of the key factors to embody humanistic exchanges and promote the development of international relations.Through the analysis of four survey reports on China-U.S.educational cooperation,it is found that American policy elites generally attach importance to the distribution of power,the application of law,mutual benefit between the two countries in educational cooperation,and pay attention to the potential motivation and influence of China.China should rationally refer to the views and suggestions,strengthen the effectiveness of dialogue mechanism,enhance the credibility of international discourse,and at the same time encourage the negotiation and governance among cooperative universities,so as to promote the stable and sustainable development of education cooperation.

一种基于安全信息的安全行为干预新模型:S-IKPB模型

[目的/意义]安全信息是对人的安全行为具有控制作用的元素。因此,开展基于安全信息的安全行为干预新模型的研究科学可行,其对安全行为干预具有十分重要的理论与现实意义。[方法/过程]扼要解释安全信息、安全行为与安全行为干预3个基本概念。基于此,借鉴设计科学的基本方法步骤,构建一种基于安全信息的安全行为干预的理论模型,即"安全信息—安全知识—安全认识—安全行为(S-IKPB)"模型,并解析其理论层面的内涵。在此基础上,分析S-IKPB模型实施的基本要素与方法。[结果/结论]研究发现,S-IKPB模型的中心思想是运用安全信息控制安全行为主体的安全行为,其应用实施的基本要素是S-IEC要素,其应用实施的基本方法是S-BCCEI模式。

Water resource governance in China's regional cooperation

A series of water disputes and conflicts have gradually emerged between China and some neighboring countries after 2000, influencing China's neighborhood relations. China increasingly realizes the importance and urgency of the water resource governance in the regional cooperation, but under complicated geopolitical context, China's water resource governance must serve several important main functions in its regional cooperation. Overall, water resource governance is the demands of crisis management and conflict prevention, and also is a kind of positive factor that promotes sub-regional cooperation. From the perspective of the current situation, China should take more proactive attitude toward the water resource governance, expand the areas and stakeholders of the water resource governance, and thus promote the formulation of water resource governance strategy.

The Liberal Hawks and the China Strategy of the Biden Administration

Since the Biden administration came to power, the liberal hawks who uphold the liberal internationalist strategy have regained a significant influence on foreign affairs and national security, prioritized the repair of U.S. hegemony, and maintained strategic competition with China initiated by the Trump administration. When compared with the paradigm of competition of the Trump administration, the liberal hawks of the Biden administration have improved the strategic logic of competition with China and refined the relevant policy layout to render it compatible with the overall agenda of the Democratic Party. Enhancing strategic competition with China under the leadership of the liberal hawks has not been in the interests of China, the United States(U.S.), or the entire world. The healthy and stable development of China–U.S. relations requires additional rational and pragmatic policies from the side of the U.S.

The Biden Administration’s Scientific and Technological Competition Strategy toward China

Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adopting an S&T competition strategy toward China based on the “small yard, high fence” tactical logic, which involves three pillars: investment to make America strong, alignment to get things under control, and competition to weaken China. In the current context of the China–U.S. competition entering a new normal, five inherent contradictions, namely, the gap between strategic expectations and policy effects, shortfall between action capabilities and policy objectives, push-and-pull between strategic deployment and domestic politics, clash between strategic intentions and the S&T innovation ecosystem, and divergences between American priorities and the interests of American allies, will dictate how this administration will implement its S&T competition strategy toward China.

Deciphering China-U.S. Economic Relations

During the Annual Conference 2007 of the Boao Forum for Asia held on April 21-22, Beijing Review reporter Liu Yunyun had a chance to sit down with Dr. John Rutledge, former financial advisor to U.S. presidents onald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, to discuss his views on China-U.S. economic and trade relations.

China-U.S. Relations: an Understanding from the Perspective of Forging New-type International Relations

In his report to the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China(CPC),General Secretary Xi Jinping proposes to'forge a new form of international relationship featuring mutual respect,fairness and justice,and win-win cooperation,and build a community with a shared future for mankind',1 which points out the direction for the a major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics in a new era.

Some Ideas on Northeast Asian Security Situation Remarks at the China-U.S. Young Scholars Dialogue

Ladies and Gentlemen,Good Morning.I would like to begin by thanking the organizer of China-U.S.Young Scholars Dialogue for inviting me,and I feel honored to have the chance sharing my ideas on Northeast Asian security issues.Northeast Asia is a region with unique geopolitical structure and complicated relations.There are still lingering uncertainties and destabilizing factors coming from strategic games among major countries, disputes over territorial land and waters, hotspot issues, historical recognition, etc., which have aroused worldwide attention, for instance the eye-catching U.S.-DPRK summit on Jun.12.

From Strategic Ambiguity to Strategic Clarity——Obama Administration’s Global Strategic Adjustments and China-U.S.Relations

Since the end of the Cold War,the United States has turned out to be the sole world superpower and possessed the unmatched power,and its international status and security situation reached the best period in its history.Although the U.S.power has declined relatively,its advantages have not changed substantially.The advantages of the U.S.power determine the essence of the U.S.global strategy,and since the end of the Cold War remains almost intact,which is committed to maintenance of the U.S.hegemony,including 3 core goals:maintaining security,expanding economy and promoting democracy.Since the end of the Cold War,all U.S.presidents have adhered to this hegemonic strategy while making some major adjustments,with some changing expressions and the priorities of the strategic goals.It should be pointed out that there is an important and possibly dangerous trend in the adjustments,,which is the gradual disappearance of strategic flexibility and strategic ambiguity.In other words,these global strategic adjustments after the Cold War have been increasingly focusing on China and the Asia-Pacific region.This trend is likely to continue in the second term of President Obama and will affect the development of China-U.S.relations to a large extent.

Leading to a better future for China-U.S. Relations——Highlights of the meeting between President Xi Jinping and President Trump in Beijing

From November 8th to 9th,President Xi Jinping met with U.S.President Trump in Beijing.In the two days time,they had a friendly interactions and frank exchanges for more than 10 hours.The two heads of state shared strategic communications around the bilateral relations and major international and regional issues,and reached a series

Hajj and Its Impact on International Relations

Hajj(Islamic pilgrimage)is not only the world’s largest transnational religious movement,but also the only one in the world explicitly listed as one of the religious pillars of the Islamic faith.Viewing hajj within the context of Islam’s continued global territorial expansion of the faith from the perspective of international relations is of great benefit to a better understanding of Islam and its participation in international relations.The total institution of hajj is composed of basic institutions and different countries’management institutions.The two holy cities are the cornerstones in Saudi Arabia’s construction of an Islamic international system.Hajj also has impacts on many specific areas of international relations.In the long run,realizing the interaction of hajj and international relations is very important for China’s national security.

The Role of Corporatism in Building a New Model of Major-Country Relationships

Building a new model of major-country relationships is an unprecedented undertaking requiring theoretical support. However, existing theories, whether Western or Chinese, find it hard to assume the task of providing the theoretical foundation for such a model. Corporatism, which has both Chinese and Western cultural elements, offers conditions for such an undertaking. Although China-U.S. relations have some unusual features, corporatism offers the prospect of directing them away from the ＂Thucydides trap＂ and avoiding the political tragedies of major powers. For China and the world, making corporatism or group cooperation the central idea in building the new model of major-country relations will be a big step forward for the model and for international relations.

中国崛起与东亚安全困境:界定、解析及应对

近年来,随着中国崛起、美国推行"亚太再平衡"战略,以及与二者密切相关的东海、南海争端不断升温,东亚地区陷入了明显的安全困境。然而,由于学界目前对东亚以中国为中心并日趋复杂的安全困境图景缺乏清晰界定,不少讨论呈现出相互矛盾的特征。究其根源,主要是这些讨论过于简单化和静态化地理解了安全困境这一国际关系理论中的重要概念。因此,本文将从对理论文献的梳理和总结入手,对安全困境进行明确和严格的定义,并对相关理论进行拓展;在此基础上,本文将重点分析东亚地区目前出现的主要安全困境,按照学理标准将其分为低度安全困境(中国同东南亚部分国家)、中度安全困境(中美)和高度安全困境(中日)三层次;最后,针对上述三层次的安全困境,本文将分别提出中国的应对思路。

美国新政权与六方会谈前景探析

美国大选,执政八年的共和党政府结束了其历史使命,民主党奥巴马新政府建立。根据其上台前后的言行来看,美国奥巴马新政权的基本政策主要在于重振经济、结束伊战以及坚持反恐。在外交政策上,美国新政权将改变其前任布什政府初期的单边主义武力政策,更多地采取多边或双边的协调与合作政策。在朝鲜核问题以及六方会谈机制方面,虽然美国和朝鲜同为当事国,以及中国在其中也发挥了非常重要的作用,但是美国仍然握有相当的主动权。美国新政权的基本政策同样会延续布什政府后期利用六方会谈框架与朝鲜接触和谈判的政策,甚至会采取一些更积极的政策,因为奥巴马政权要解决其面临的内外难题,需要其盟国的协助,也需要中国等国家的协助,对朝鲜这样的国家也希望能够在国际压力下促使其和平地放弃核开发。当然,半岛无核化及防止核扩散仍然是美国的根本利益,要求朝鲜放弃核开发的目标不会有丝毫的改变,甚至从原则上来说美国新政权仍然没有承诺放弃使用武力。此外,美国新政权或者还仍然存在同中国和朝鲜之间在意识形态上的对立,但是,除非发生预料不到的突发事件,美国在朝核问题上使用武力的可能性极小,在意识形态上的某些不同也不会影响奥巴马政权务实灵活的现实主义政策。总之,美国新政权的基本政策有利于朝核问题的缓和,同样也有利于六方会谈持续发挥作用。虽然美国新政权有可能同朝鲜之间有更多的双边直接接触和谈判,但是不可能脱离六方会谈的框架,即或者两国的双边谈判在六方会谈框架范围内加以实现,或者彼此都需要六方会谈框架作为自己外交回旋的余地。作为美国新政权,虽然为了能够使朝核问题有所突破而有可能更加重视双边谈判,但考虑到同中俄的战略性关系以及同其盟国日韩的伙伴关系,也不可能弃六方会谈框架而不顾。