Unable to catch up with China and the United States in the short term,the European Union is in an unfavorable position in the booming digital technology sector needed for economic growth.Within the context of intensif...Unable to catch up with China and the United States in the short term,the European Union is in an unfavorable position in the booming digital technology sector needed for economic growth.Within the context of intensifying technological competition and diplomatic strain between China and the US,the EU and European countries have adapted their digital strategies.As a former balance strategy shifts toward constraining Chinese tech companies,Europe’s technological sovereignty is at stake.To enhance European tech capability and control,key measures include increased investment in digital tech,formation of a single European dataspace,and rules based on European values.The interplay between technology and geopolitics and the rising importance of values in digital regulations make possible a technology alliance,despite the introduction of protectionism into the mix.China will need to understand the situation and give positive response.展开更多
During a period of profound adjustments to the international power structure,China-US financial competition may intensify and lead to a crisis for the international financial system and even the international power sy...During a period of profound adjustments to the international power structure,China-US financial competition may intensify and lead to a crisis for the international financial system and even the international power system.The China-US financial relationship is structured in mainly four dimensions:the international monetary system,bilateral financial exchanges,the international financial system and the construction of international financial and/or economic concepts.Management of this competition relationship is thereby four-pronged:managing the relationship between the RMB and the US dollar in the international monetary system,the China-US bilateral creditor-debtor relationship,the indirect China-US relationship in global financial governance organizations and normative frameworks,and the divergence of both countries in regard to their economic ideologies.In particular,to stabilize the international monetary system,China should postpone the strategic confrontation between the RMB and the US dollar,strengthening their complementarity and cooperation based on market choice and their monetary function.Meanwhile,China should be prudent as a creditor to the United States,neither coerced by its over-reliance on American financial markets,nor tempted to weaponize the US debt by dumping US bonds.Also,before aiming for systematic reforms,China should first aim to become a stakeholder in the current global financial governance system by comprehensively accepting and becoming deeply integrated into it.Finally,China should avoid the economic competition model between China and the United States,and should instead apply the“Chinese Approach”to better facilitate solutions to international problems.These approaches to crisis management aim to help China endure this turbulent period of the international power system with more prudent strategies and policies,and to maintain a relatively stable international financial and economic environment for the sustained rise of its economy and for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.展开更多
The door to strategic competition between China and the US has opened under the Trump administration, whose strategy, policy and tactics toward China create a grim picture for bilateral relations in the short run. How...The door to strategic competition between China and the US has opened under the Trump administration, whose strategy, policy and tactics toward China create a grim picture for bilateral relations in the short run. However, the relations in the long term depend both on the state of interplay between various parties in the US, and more importantly on China’s influence and response.展开更多
America is the only hegemonic power in the world today and is looking vigilantly at every other country that may take its hegemonic position.In Northeast Asia,America is focused on reinforcing its alliance with Japan ...America is the only hegemonic power in the world today and is looking vigilantly at every other country that may take its hegemonic position.In Northeast Asia,America is focused on reinforcing its alliance with Japan and South Korea and is working quickly to deploy the THAAD system in展开更多
Since 2018,the US government has adopted a range of restrictive measures on China-US science and technology exchange,as it strives for a decoupling strategy against China.This strategy has brought about historic chang...Since 2018,the US government has adopted a range of restrictive measures on China-US science and technology exchange,as it strives for a decoupling strategy against China.This strategy has brought about historic change in China-US science and technology relations.The US government has set out to obstruct the free flow of technology,data,capital,markets,and talents between China and the United States,thereby changing the basic rationale of China-US science and technology cooperation.The US has multiple underlying motivations for implementing this strategy including recognizing the security threats posed by China’s cutting-edge technology development,treating China as a competitor in global science and technology diplomacy,prompting the backflow of the technological industrial chain,and the strengthened industrial competition between the two countries.Decoupling is one of the competition strategies of the United States.It is aimed at ensuring a favorable position for their national innovation systems,particularly in China-US competition.However,the limitations of the decoupling strategy may not allow the US to achieve what it desires.These limitations also provide space for the two countries to ease their competitive relationship.展开更多
Since the end of the Cold War,major powers have avoided direct military confrontation,wary of the devastating consequences of nuclear warfare.Yet the arms race and regional conflicts remain important forms of power co...Since the end of the Cold War,major powers have avoided direct military confrontation,wary of the devastating consequences of nuclear warfare.Yet the arms race and regional conflicts remain important forms of power competition.Nonetheless,in the era of globalization,rapid advancements in new technologies and industries have eclipsed the utility of geopolitical maneuvers and military competition.In today’s world,the great power competition goes beyond the arms race and GDP aggregates.What matters more is the race to innovate and apply new technologies through a complete range of industrial sectors.In a world where technology has a controlling influence,industrial security has become the linchpin of national security.As globalization reshapes the world’s industrial landscape,a country’s economic influence,military might and national security depend increasingly on its industrial structure.National security is contingent upon industrial strength.In the era of globalization,industrial policy,cutting-edge technologies and market size are dominant factors influencing a country’s competitive position.The essence of the great power competition are industrial policies that fully unlock a country’s industrial potential and implementation of the policies.展开更多
Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adop...Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adopting an S&T competition strategy toward China based on the “small yard, high fence” tactical logic, which involves three pillars: investment to make America strong, alignment to get things under control, and competition to weaken China. In the current context of the China–U.S. competition entering a new normal, five inherent contradictions, namely, the gap between strategic expectations and policy effects, shortfall between action capabilities and policy objectives, push-and-pull between strategic deployment and domestic politics, clash between strategic intentions and the S&T innovation ecosystem, and divergences between American priorities and the interests of American allies, will dictate how this administration will implement its S&T competition strategy toward China.展开更多
Inheriting the Trump Administration’s perception of China as the primary strategic competitor of the United States,competition remains the core concept of the Biden Administration’s thinking of China,the main princi...Inheriting the Trump Administration’s perception of China as the primary strategic competitor of the United States,competition remains the core concept of the Biden Administration’s thinking of China,the main principle of the U.S.policy-making on China,and the fundamental logic of managing China-U.S.relations.However,there are differences between the two administrations in terms of approaches.The Biden Administration attaches greater importance to improving America’s competitiveness and adheres to the path of"smart competition"by taking advantage of the alliance system and multilateral institutions,while remaining open to necessary cooperation with China.Nonetheless,the strategic competition against China by the Biden Administration is subject to both domestic and external constraints.In the new situation,China should properly handle the competition and more actively shape the increasingly competitive bilateral relations.In the coming four year,there are three potential scenarios of China-U.S.relations,featured by competition plus cooperation,or domination for rivalry,or rife with conflicts.The two countries shall avoid conflicts,ensure interaction led by positive competition,and jointly seek for a relationship characterized by both competition and cooperation.展开更多
China Economist has continuously carried out surveys among economists and this round of survey focuses on comparison and interactions between China＇s and the United States＇ economies. The result of the survey shows ...China Economist has continuously carried out surveys among economists and this round of survey focuses on comparison and interactions between China＇s and the United States＇ economies. The result of the survey shows that economists are generally optimistic about the outlook of both countries＇economies. Respondents believed that great differences exist in the components of industrial competitiveness of China and the US; while the US leads in terms of talent, creativity, social system, industrial system integrity and financing, cost is the biggest barrier to improvement in US competitiveness. In comparison, China leads in infrastructure, cost competitiveness and government driving force but inadequate technology is the biggest barrier to improvement in China＇s competitiveness. Respondents believed that in the coming 20years, China＇s economic growth will be 5.2% and US growth will be 2.4%. Around 2034, China＇s economic aggregate will equal the US level but it will take over 60 years for China to catch up with the US in terms of per capita GDP. China＇s manufacturing technology will equal the US level around 2045. More than 62% of economists believed that the Trump administration will effectively re-shore manufacturing and the average score they give to Trump＇s ＂first 100 days ＂＂ in office is 76 points. More than 61% of economists considered it unlikely that a serious trade war will break out between China and the US. They generally believed that China and the US cooperate and compete with each other and that China-US trade enjoys great potential to grow. According to the survey, respondents are more confident about China＇s debt sustainability in comparison with the US.展开更多
文摘Unable to catch up with China and the United States in the short term,the European Union is in an unfavorable position in the booming digital technology sector needed for economic growth.Within the context of intensifying technological competition and diplomatic strain between China and the US,the EU and European countries have adapted their digital strategies.As a former balance strategy shifts toward constraining Chinese tech companies,Europe’s technological sovereignty is at stake.To enhance European tech capability and control,key measures include increased investment in digital tech,formation of a single European dataspace,and rules based on European values.The interplay between technology and geopolitics and the rising importance of values in digital regulations make possible a technology alliance,despite the introduction of protectionism into the mix.China will need to understand the situation and give positive response.
文摘During a period of profound adjustments to the international power structure,China-US financial competition may intensify and lead to a crisis for the international financial system and even the international power system.The China-US financial relationship is structured in mainly four dimensions:the international monetary system,bilateral financial exchanges,the international financial system and the construction of international financial and/or economic concepts.Management of this competition relationship is thereby four-pronged:managing the relationship between the RMB and the US dollar in the international monetary system,the China-US bilateral creditor-debtor relationship,the indirect China-US relationship in global financial governance organizations and normative frameworks,and the divergence of both countries in regard to their economic ideologies.In particular,to stabilize the international monetary system,China should postpone the strategic confrontation between the RMB and the US dollar,strengthening their complementarity and cooperation based on market choice and their monetary function.Meanwhile,China should be prudent as a creditor to the United States,neither coerced by its over-reliance on American financial markets,nor tempted to weaponize the US debt by dumping US bonds.Also,before aiming for systematic reforms,China should first aim to become a stakeholder in the current global financial governance system by comprehensively accepting and becoming deeply integrated into it.Finally,China should avoid the economic competition model between China and the United States,and should instead apply the“Chinese Approach”to better facilitate solutions to international problems.These approaches to crisis management aim to help China endure this turbulent period of the international power system with more prudent strategies and policies,and to maintain a relatively stable international financial and economic environment for the sustained rise of its economy and for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
文摘The door to strategic competition between China and the US has opened under the Trump administration, whose strategy, policy and tactics toward China create a grim picture for bilateral relations in the short run. However, the relations in the long term depend both on the state of interplay between various parties in the US, and more importantly on China’s influence and response.
文摘America is the only hegemonic power in the world today and is looking vigilantly at every other country that may take its hegemonic position.In Northeast Asia,America is focused on reinforcing its alliance with Japan and South Korea and is working quickly to deploy the THAAD system in
文摘Since 2018,the US government has adopted a range of restrictive measures on China-US science and technology exchange,as it strives for a decoupling strategy against China.This strategy has brought about historic change in China-US science and technology relations.The US government has set out to obstruct the free flow of technology,data,capital,markets,and talents between China and the United States,thereby changing the basic rationale of China-US science and technology cooperation.The US has multiple underlying motivations for implementing this strategy including recognizing the security threats posed by China’s cutting-edge technology development,treating China as a competitor in global science and technology diplomacy,prompting the backflow of the technological industrial chain,and the strengthened industrial competition between the two countries.Decoupling is one of the competition strategies of the United States.It is aimed at ensuring a favorable position for their national innovation systems,particularly in China-US competition.However,the limitations of the decoupling strategy may not allow the US to achieve what it desires.These limitations also provide space for the two countries to ease their competitive relationship.
文摘Since the end of the Cold War,major powers have avoided direct military confrontation,wary of the devastating consequences of nuclear warfare.Yet the arms race and regional conflicts remain important forms of power competition.Nonetheless,in the era of globalization,rapid advancements in new technologies and industries have eclipsed the utility of geopolitical maneuvers and military competition.In today’s world,the great power competition goes beyond the arms race and GDP aggregates.What matters more is the race to innovate and apply new technologies through a complete range of industrial sectors.In a world where technology has a controlling influence,industrial security has become the linchpin of national security.As globalization reshapes the world’s industrial landscape,a country’s economic influence,military might and national security depend increasingly on its industrial structure.National security is contingent upon industrial strength.In the era of globalization,industrial policy,cutting-edge technologies and market size are dominant factors influencing a country’s competitive position.The essence of the great power competition are industrial policies that fully unlock a country’s industrial potential and implementation of the policies.
基金the phased result of a key project supported by the National Social Science Fund of China entitled“Research on Cyber Governance Systems from the Perspective of a Holistic Approach to National Security”(17ZDA106).
文摘Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adopting an S&T competition strategy toward China based on the “small yard, high fence” tactical logic, which involves three pillars: investment to make America strong, alignment to get things under control, and competition to weaken China. In the current context of the China–U.S. competition entering a new normal, five inherent contradictions, namely, the gap between strategic expectations and policy effects, shortfall between action capabilities and policy objectives, push-and-pull between strategic deployment and domestic politics, clash between strategic intentions and the S&T innovation ecosystem, and divergences between American priorities and the interests of American allies, will dictate how this administration will implement its S&T competition strategy toward China.
文摘Inheriting the Trump Administration’s perception of China as the primary strategic competitor of the United States,competition remains the core concept of the Biden Administration’s thinking of China,the main principle of the U.S.policy-making on China,and the fundamental logic of managing China-U.S.relations.However,there are differences between the two administrations in terms of approaches.The Biden Administration attaches greater importance to improving America’s competitiveness and adheres to the path of"smart competition"by taking advantage of the alliance system and multilateral institutions,while remaining open to necessary cooperation with China.Nonetheless,the strategic competition against China by the Biden Administration is subject to both domestic and external constraints.In the new situation,China should properly handle the competition and more actively shape the increasingly competitive bilateral relations.In the coming four year,there are three potential scenarios of China-U.S.relations,featured by competition plus cooperation,or domination for rivalry,or rife with conflicts.The two countries shall avoid conflicts,ensure interaction led by positive competition,and jointly seek for a relationship characterized by both competition and cooperation.
文摘China Economist has continuously carried out surveys among economists and this round of survey focuses on comparison and interactions between China＇s and the United States＇ economies. The result of the survey shows that economists are generally optimistic about the outlook of both countries＇economies. Respondents believed that great differences exist in the components of industrial competitiveness of China and the US; while the US leads in terms of talent, creativity, social system, industrial system integrity and financing, cost is the biggest barrier to improvement in US competitiveness. In comparison, China leads in infrastructure, cost competitiveness and government driving force but inadequate technology is the biggest barrier to improvement in China＇s competitiveness. Respondents believed that in the coming 20years, China＇s economic growth will be 5.2% and US growth will be 2.4%. Around 2034, China＇s economic aggregate will equal the US level but it will take over 60 years for China to catch up with the US in terms of per capita GDP. China＇s manufacturing technology will equal the US level around 2045. More than 62% of economists believed that the Trump administration will effectively re-shore manufacturing and the average score they give to Trump＇s ＂first 100 days ＂＂ in office is 76 points. More than 61% of economists considered it unlikely that a serious trade war will break out between China and the US. They generally believed that China and the US cooperate and compete with each other and that China-US trade enjoys great potential to grow. According to the survey, respondents are more confident about China＇s debt sustainability in comparison with the US.
