From the "Five-clause Agreement Draft" of 1944 to the Shanghai Communiqueof 1972, the strategic relationship between the United States (US) and theChinese Communist Party (CCP) went through a cycle from part...From the "Five-clause Agreement Draft" of 1944 to the Shanghai Communiqueof 1972, the strategic relationship between the United States (US) and theChinese Communist Party (CCP) went through a cycle from partners to foes thenback to partners again. Since the end of World War II, a huge number of booksand articles on CCP-US relations have been published both in the United States andChina. Because of their different political background, Chinese and展开更多
Since the Biden administration came to power, the liberal hawks who uphold the liberal internationalist strategy have regained a significant influence on foreign affairs and national security, prioritized the repair o...Since the Biden administration came to power, the liberal hawks who uphold the liberal internationalist strategy have regained a significant influence on foreign affairs and national security, prioritized the repair of U.S. hegemony, and maintained strategic competition with China initiated by the Trump administration. When compared with the paradigm of competition of the Trump administration, the liberal hawks of the Biden administration have improved the strategic logic of competition with China and refined the relevant policy layout to render it compatible with the overall agenda of the Democratic Party. Enhancing strategic competition with China under the leadership of the liberal hawks has not been in the interests of China, the United States(U.S.), or the entire world. The healthy and stable development of China–U.S. relations requires additional rational and pragmatic policies from the side of the U.S.展开更多
Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adop...Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adopting an S&T competition strategy toward China based on the “small yard, high fence” tactical logic, which involves three pillars: investment to make America strong, alignment to get things under control, and competition to weaken China. In the current context of the China–U.S. competition entering a new normal, five inherent contradictions, namely, the gap between strategic expectations and policy effects, shortfall between action capabilities and policy objectives, push-and-pull between strategic deployment and domestic politics, clash between strategic intentions and the S&T innovation ecosystem, and divergences between American priorities and the interests of American allies, will dictate how this administration will implement its S&T competition strategy toward China.展开更多
Since the end of the Cold War,the United States has turned out to be the sole world superpower and possessed the unmatched power,and its international status and security situation reached the best period in its histo...Since the end of the Cold War,the United States has turned out to be the sole world superpower and possessed the unmatched power,and its international status and security situation reached the best period in its history.Although the U.S.power has declined relatively,its advantages have not changed substantially.The advantages of the U.S.power determine the essence of the U.S.global strategy,and since the end of the Cold War remains almost intact,which is committed to maintenance of the U.S.hegemony,including 3 core goals:maintaining security,expanding economy and promoting democracy.Since the end of the Cold War,all U.S.presidents have adhered to this hegemonic strategy while making some major adjustments,with some changing expressions and the priorities of the strategic goals.It should be pointed out that there is an important and possibly dangerous trend in the adjustments,,which is the gradual disappearance of strategic flexibility and strategic ambiguity.In other words,these global strategic adjustments after the Cold War have been increasingly focusing on China and the Asia-Pacific region.This trend is likely to continue in the second term of President Obama and will affect the development of China-U.S.relations to a large extent.展开更多
Climate change is a core issue on which China and the United States(US)are relatively willing to cooperate.Compared with Barack Obama,Joe Biden has incorporated additional elements of climate governance into the compe...Climate change is a core issue on which China and the United States(US)are relatively willing to cooperate.Compared with Barack Obama,Joe Biden has incorporated additional elements of climate governance into the competitive track.His administration has attached increased importance to reciprocity and uniformity in sharing responsibilities,relied heavily on coercion and inducement as methods for advancing relevant policy agendas,and focused on the clean technology sector in a bid to decouple from China.The competitive logic of the climate policy pursued by the Biden administration has spotlighted its objectives:to seek leadership in global climate governance,to serve America's value-oriented diplomacy by manipulating ideologies in the realm of climate governance,and to sustain a relative dominant position in the climate governance system.To a certain extent,the competitive measures by the Biden administration have shaped the external environment of China's development and its participation in global climate governance.However,they can hardly achieve the core objective of serving America's strategic competition against China.Such a competitive climate policy will destabilize the strategic relationship between China and the US,impeding breakthroughs that resemble the Paris Agreement in the multilateral climate process.展开更多
Since taking office in 2021, US President Joe Biden has rectified former President Trump’s domestic and foreign policies. However, Biden has continued the Trump administration’s idea of “excluding China and protect...Since taking office in 2021, US President Joe Biden has rectified former President Trump’s domestic and foreign policies. However, Biden has continued the Trump administration’s idea of “excluding China and protecting the courtyard,” which permeates the entire process of policy adjustment on Latin America. The purpose is to damage and hinder China–Latin America relations and cooperation. After the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict, the Biden administration intensified efforts to exclude extraterritorial forces represented by China and Russia that seek to regain control of the backyard to a greater extent. The Biden administration has made progress in easing the antagonism between the US and Latin America and repairing ally system in the western hemisphere, however, its efforts to reshape U.S.–Latin America relations have encountered many challenges.展开更多
A comparison of two decision analysis tools for the analysis of strategic conflicts, the Analytic Network Process （ANP） and the graph model for conflict resolution, is carried out by applying them to the China-US TV...A comparison of two decision analysis tools for the analysis of strategic conflicts, the Analytic Network Process （ANP） and the graph model for conflict resolution, is carried out by applying them to the China-US TV dumping conflict. Firstly, the graph model is introduced along with practical procedures for modeling and analyzing conflicts using the decision support software, GMCR Ⅱ. Next, ANP is explained, emphasizing structural features and procedures for synthesizing priorities. Then a framework for employing ANP to analyze strategic conflicts is designed and used to compare ANP to the graph model. The case study of the China-US TV dumping conflict provides a basis for the graph model and ANP to be compared; different features of the approaches are highlighted. The study shows that because of different theoretical backgrounds, ANP and the graph model for conflict analysis both provide useful information which can be combined to furnish a better understanding of a strategic conflict.展开更多
文摘From the "Five-clause Agreement Draft" of 1944 to the Shanghai Communiqueof 1972, the strategic relationship between the United States (US) and theChinese Communist Party (CCP) went through a cycle from partners to foes thenback to partners again. Since the end of World War II, a huge number of booksand articles on CCP-US relations have been published both in the United States andChina. Because of their different political background, Chinese and
文摘Since the Biden administration came to power, the liberal hawks who uphold the liberal internationalist strategy have regained a significant influence on foreign affairs and national security, prioritized the repair of U.S. hegemony, and maintained strategic competition with China initiated by the Trump administration. When compared with the paradigm of competition of the Trump administration, the liberal hawks of the Biden administration have improved the strategic logic of competition with China and refined the relevant policy layout to render it compatible with the overall agenda of the Democratic Party. Enhancing strategic competition with China under the leadership of the liberal hawks has not been in the interests of China, the United States(U.S.), or the entire world. The healthy and stable development of China–U.S. relations requires additional rational and pragmatic policies from the side of the U.S.
基金the phased result of a key project supported by the National Social Science Fund of China entitled“Research on Cyber Governance Systems from the Perspective of a Holistic Approach to National Security”(17ZDA106).
文摘Scientific and technological(S&T) competition has become a core and frontier issue in the ongoing China–U.S. strategic competition and the main focus of both countries. Currently, the Biden administration is adopting an S&T competition strategy toward China based on the “small yard, high fence” tactical logic, which involves three pillars: investment to make America strong, alignment to get things under control, and competition to weaken China. In the current context of the China–U.S. competition entering a new normal, five inherent contradictions, namely, the gap between strategic expectations and policy effects, shortfall between action capabilities and policy objectives, push-and-pull between strategic deployment and domestic politics, clash between strategic intentions and the S&T innovation ecosystem, and divergences between American priorities and the interests of American allies, will dictate how this administration will implement its S&T competition strategy toward China.
文摘Since the end of the Cold War,the United States has turned out to be the sole world superpower and possessed the unmatched power,and its international status and security situation reached the best period in its history.Although the U.S.power has declined relatively,its advantages have not changed substantially.The advantages of the U.S.power determine the essence of the U.S.global strategy,and since the end of the Cold War remains almost intact,which is committed to maintenance of the U.S.hegemony,including 3 core goals:maintaining security,expanding economy and promoting democracy.Since the end of the Cold War,all U.S.presidents have adhered to this hegemonic strategy while making some major adjustments,with some changing expressions and the priorities of the strategic goals.It should be pointed out that there is an important and possibly dangerous trend in the adjustments,,which is the gradual disappearance of strategic flexibility and strategic ambiguity.In other words,these global strategic adjustments after the Cold War have been increasingly focusing on China and the Asia-Pacific region.This trend is likely to continue in the second term of President Obama and will affect the development of China-U.S.relations to a large extent.
文摘Climate change is a core issue on which China and the United States(US)are relatively willing to cooperate.Compared with Barack Obama,Joe Biden has incorporated additional elements of climate governance into the competitive track.His administration has attached increased importance to reciprocity and uniformity in sharing responsibilities,relied heavily on coercion and inducement as methods for advancing relevant policy agendas,and focused on the clean technology sector in a bid to decouple from China.The competitive logic of the climate policy pursued by the Biden administration has spotlighted its objectives:to seek leadership in global climate governance,to serve America's value-oriented diplomacy by manipulating ideologies in the realm of climate governance,and to sustain a relative dominant position in the climate governance system.To a certain extent,the competitive measures by the Biden administration have shaped the external environment of China's development and its participation in global climate governance.However,they can hardly achieve the core objective of serving America's strategic competition against China.Such a competitive climate policy will destabilize the strategic relationship between China and the US,impeding breakthroughs that resemble the Paris Agreement in the multilateral climate process.
文摘Since taking office in 2021, US President Joe Biden has rectified former President Trump’s domestic and foreign policies. However, Biden has continued the Trump administration’s idea of “excluding China and protecting the courtyard,” which permeates the entire process of policy adjustment on Latin America. The purpose is to damage and hinder China–Latin America relations and cooperation. After the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict, the Biden administration intensified efforts to exclude extraterritorial forces represented by China and Russia that seek to regain control of the backyard to a greater extent. The Biden administration has made progress in easing the antagonism between the US and Latin America and repairing ally system in the western hemisphere, however, its efforts to reshape U.S.–Latin America relations have encountered many challenges.
文摘A comparison of two decision analysis tools for the analysis of strategic conflicts, the Analytic Network Process （ANP） and the graph model for conflict resolution, is carried out by applying them to the China-US TV dumping conflict. Firstly, the graph model is introduced along with practical procedures for modeling and analyzing conflicts using the decision support software, GMCR Ⅱ. Next, ANP is explained, emphasizing structural features and procedures for synthesizing priorities. Then a framework for employing ANP to analyze strategic conflicts is designed and used to compare ANP to the graph model. The case study of the China-US TV dumping conflict provides a basis for the graph model and ANP to be compared; different features of the approaches are highlighted. The study shows that because of different theoretical backgrounds, ANP and the graph model for conflict analysis both provide useful information which can be combined to furnish a better understanding of a strategic conflict.
