Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East After Arab Spring

Turkish policymakers＇ main focus was on how to play an effective regional role in the events and issues of the Middle East, such as mediation in resolving conflicts. Consequently, the paper will attempt to address the following questions： What is the impact of Turkish foreign policy towards the Arab Spring under Justice and Development Party （AKP： Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi） rule？ What is the future of Turkey in the Middle East in light of the revolutionary variables in the region？ The main aim of this paper is to explore Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East under the AKP rule particularly after the Arab Spring. The paper attempts to anticipate the future of Turkish foreign policy and Turkey＇s role in the Middle East.

Towards the East:Iran’s Foreign Policy in Ahmadinejad Era—Based on James Rosenau’s Continuity Theory

The article seeks to examine the East Look Policy(ELP)in Iran’s Foreign Policy(IFP)(2005-2013).We believe that states,due to different factors,may adopt different policies in their FP.So,the main research question is:Why did Iranian state adopt ELP in its FP in duration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad era?With regard to the question,our hypothesis is“there are some factors in Iran’s internal environment that we called them micro-level factors and some variable in external environment that we called them macro-level variables in formation of ELP in IFP”.To prove this hypothesis,we use James Rosenau’s foreign policy theory that has been stood on two micro-and macrolevel analysis to examination of FP of any state.Regarding Rosenau’s theory,there are four factors on micro-level include:individual of policy-maker,his/her role in political system,social values,and governmental structure.In addition,in macro-level,there are some variables,such as the logic of anarchy,the action of other states(especially US),and nuclear sanctions imposed by the US and Western nations.

The Belt and Road Initiatives and China＇s Middle East Energy Policy

The paper analyses the roots of the Belt and Road Initiative as well as China＇s Middle East Energy Policy in an age of great transformation. China＇s rapidly progressed economic growth leading to a dramatic increase in China＇s energy demand in recent years. The Middle East countries play a critical role in the international energy markets. Stable relations with the Middle East countries become increasingly important for Chinese energy security, and the continued development. The protection of these relations lies at the core of the Belt and Road Initiative. Within The Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese Middle East energy policy proceeds according to the energy cooperation framework known as ＂1＋2＋3＂, which seeks to build a reliable China-Arab strategic cooperative relationship based on long-term friendship. To avoid over dependence on the energy resources of the Middle East, China will also continue to search for other overseas energy sources and protect transportation channels. Despite risks and challenges associated with energy imports from the Middle East, China has cultivated strong relations with states in the region and will develop these economic ties further in the coming years.

冷战后日本对东南亚外交的脉络、逻辑与影响

冷战后日本对东南亚外交的演变脉络呈现明显的阶段性调整,包含政策领域与政策路径等。在此过程中,日本突出东南亚外交的政治色彩并全面发展与东盟国家的各领域双边关系,在持续深化经济外交的基础上取得了经济合作机制化建设进展,且正致力于推动与部分东盟国家的海洋安全合作及其机制化建设,进而试图主导地区秩序构建。日本对东南亚外交的政策逻辑主要体现在国家战略转型、地区框架建构与大国关系互动3个层面。其中,日本国家战略的目标诉求与实施路径,始终对其东南亚外交起到规范作用;日本对东南亚外交既是地区框架建构进程的有效组成部分,又受其规范与制约;日本始终需要考虑美国、中国等大国因素,且美国因素是约束日本外交取向的首要因素。冷战后日本对东南亚的外交深化了日本与东盟国家间双边关系,为日本自身的国家战略转型提供路径支撑,但在地区层面上则导致东亚合作框架泛化、东盟中心地位弱化以及地区安全局势不稳。

United States Foreign Policy in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Its Implication on the Two States Solution

Prior American administrations were more balanced in their relations with Israel and the Arab world.During the Cold War Israel was an important strategic asset in the containment of Communist influence in the middle eastern region,Washington structured its arms sales to Israel,controlled Israeli military preeminence during the wars with its Arab neighbors,and sought to arbitrate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to balance US relations with moderate Arab regimes.Today,the opposite seems to be true.It is considering the above forlorn situation that this essay attempts to analytically x-ray the Palestinian–Israeli conflict and US foreign policy.The major objective of the study was among others to establish that the current US foreign policy of the Trump administration will only further escalate the conflict by exacerbating tensions;it establishes the onion model as a framework upon which the study was built theoretically.The study resulted from the increasing trend of violence and killings in the region and how the people living in the region have been further devastated all because US foreign policy summersault.It also makes useful insights and recommendations on how to broker peace in the region.

抗西联东——俄乌冲突时期普京政府的对外政策

俄乌冲突爆发后,西方对俄罗斯实施“升级版”制裁和遏制,普京政府被迫实行抗西联东对外政策,即抗衡西方、联合东方,以服务于俄实现在乌克兰的军事和政治目标、维护俄国家安全和大国地位。俄罗斯坚决抵制西方经济制裁,在乌克兰和欧洲—大西洋地区同美国和北约进行军事对抗,与西方展开“外交战”。普京政府加强同东方国家和东方国际组织的经济与政治合作,为俄罗斯抗衡西方提供经济助力和外交支持,主要举措为:加强与中国的战略协作伙伴关系,发展与印度的特惠战略伙伴关系,维护其在欧亚地区的传统影响,积极参与上海合作组织和金砖国家等东方国际组织框架下的合作等。2023年版《俄罗斯联邦对外政策构想》确认了抗西联东政策,反映出俄要走独特发展道路、放弃“融入欧洲”愿景的战略转变。用安全、发展和文明认同三个标准衡量,俄罗斯抗西联东政策不甚成功。但是鉴于俄乌冲突和俄罗斯与西方对抗长期化等因素,在2024年以后俄抗西联东政策仍将延续。

基于国家竞争优势理论的俄远东地区投资环境分析

俄远东地区与中国、日本、韩国等国毗邻,具有独特的区位优势和丰富的自然资源,这使远东在俄罗斯加强与亚太地区国家的关系以提振其经济发展方面具有重要意义。特别是2022年2月24日俄罗斯在顿巴斯地区发起特别军事行动后,美欧等国家对俄罗斯实施了前所未有的制裁和孤立,中俄稳定的战略伙伴关系使远东地区的重要性更加突出。目前,大量西方企业撤离俄罗斯,但中国投资者对与俄罗斯的合作抱有信心,俄远东地区对中企越来越具有投资吸引力。以波特的国家竞争优势理论为基础,从生产要素方面分析俄远东地区吸引外资的优劣势、引资现状及存在问题,可以为我国对俄远东地区的投资与合作提供有益的参考和借鉴。

从禁酒会议看沙俄的远东政策

沙俄民众普遍嗜酒,近代发展为严重的酗酒行为,给其发展造成不良影响。为了整治其国内酗酒问题,沙俄政府邀同北洋政府协助,商议限制酒品从中国流入俄境的相关事项。从禁酒会议可以看出沙俄试图扩大中东铁路两旁禁酒范围,关闭和迁移沿边、沿路中国酒厂、酒铺的企图,体现了沙俄借禁酒的名义在中国东北扩大势力范围和打击中国民族酿酒业的野心,反映着沙俄的远东政策。同时,北洋政府官员在禁酒会议中据理力争,也体现了北洋政府尽力避免中国权益被损害的用心。

从“联美制苏”到独立自主的地区和平政策:中国与中东和平进程(1977-1982)

20世纪70年代中后期,面对苏联的全球战略扩张态势,中国基于“联美制苏”的总体方针在中东问题上提出了一系列政策主张。中国积极支援地区国家摆脱苏联控制的努力,质疑和抵制美苏作为联席主席的日内瓦会议机制,同时反复告诫美国在推进阿以和平时必须平衡双方诉求。中国的这一系列立场与活动成为美国主导下的中东和平进程得以启动的关键因素之一。在这一过程中,中国与埃及、以色列和沙特阿拉伯等地区重点国家的关系也得到了不同程度的提升。进入80年代,在中国重新思考自身与超级大国和第三世界之间关系的同时,美国政府也暴露出难以客观公允地持续推动中东和平的严重局限。作为主动“告别冷战”的历史进程中的重要一环,中国转而坚定地走上了独立自主的和平外交政策之路,通过加强自身与中东各方的政治、经济和文化联系,支持中东地区真正实现持久和平、普遍安全与共同繁荣。

俄罗斯太平洋地区与邻国交通网络联通策略分析

俄罗斯远东地区(太平洋地区)与邻国交通网络联通的不同空间形态和结构对地区的发展具有重要意义。俄罗斯致力于平衡与东、西方的外部经济联系,在此背景下加强本国远东地区与周边国家交通网络联通。俄罗斯远东地区交通系统的功能类别较丰富,但现有交通网络(铁路和公路)和16个边境口岸联通后的货物运输仍存在较大不足。应在俄罗斯远东地区建设国际高速交通走廊网络,完善边境口岸基础设施及提升现代化技术与信息水平,满足日益增长的各地区进出口货物中转和运输的需要。

An Analysis of ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative and the Middle East

The‘Belt and Road’Initiative features prominently in China’s foreign and geo-economic policies.The aim of this initiative is to strengthen Beijing’s economic leadership through a programme for infrastructure building throughout China’s neighbouring regions.At the same time,this will help Chinese industries at home while they are still modernising.Under this initiative,the Middle East figures prominently due to its rich hydrocarbon resources along with its need to develop its infrastructure in various Persian Gulf nations.Therefore,the current topic is an exploration of the relations between China’s‘Belt and Road’Initiative and the Middle East and its broader implications on the region.China is trying to present itself as a plausible alternative to the traditional great power politics at play in the region and with fresh tactics.This‘Belt and Road’Initiative is trying to increase China’s economic reach in the Middle East.At the same time,Beijing holds a unique position of being friendly with all the Middle Eastern leaders.Thus,the study will help to understand China’s rising power in the Middle East through its economic prowess and growing military strength.In this regard,it becomes imperative to study China’s progress of‘Belt and Road’Initiative in the Middle Eastern region.

Middle East Geopolitics and China-India Strategic Interaction in the New Era

In the past,the nature of global geopolitical interactions among states has seen Europe and the United States emerge as dominant players in Middle East regional politics.This assertion is based on the overstretched geostrategic interests of Europe and the United States(US)tied up with controlling strategic goods,such as crude oil and gas,as well as maintaining freedom of navigation.These three variables-oil,gas and water routes-were the most critical components that attracted global powers to engage with the Middle East.Recent developments,however,suggest that two rising Asian powers,China and India,are becoming increasingly involved in Middle East regional affairs.Both countries have recognised the critical role of the region in their future economic growth and development and have embedded the region into their national strategic plan.However,the region faces issues-such as terrorism,internal strife,particularly in Syria,maritime security,hunger and poverty,especially in Yemen,the recent US-Iran conflict and the COVID-19 global pandemic-that may influence the operationalisation and outcome of the future strategic plan of China and India.These current challenges thus require the Asian powers to reassess each other’s strategy.This paper analyses how China and India adapt their strategic interests in accordance to the compounding realities in the Middle East.In particular,it seeks to answer two relevant questions:To what extent can China and India engage the region in the coming years?Given their national interests and priorities vis-
a-vis the Middle East,can we expect more cooperation than competition between these two Asian powers?Central to this is a thesis that cooperation among these two powers is more promising and effective,at least in those mentioned issues,despite their divergent national interests and historical rivalries.

The Turbulent Middle East: Analysing Security Issues facing China’s Belt and Road Initiative towards the Region

Since the announcement of the‘Belt and Road Initiative’(BRI)in 2013,China has yet to unveil the greatest challenge facing the implementation of this initiative.The Middle East offers both strategic as well as resource opportunities for China but the region remains fluid and unstable security wise.Shaky regional alliances,a dissatisfied labour force,pressures from non-state actors,gender discrimination and human rights abuses and sustained external intervention are just some of the security issues facing the Middle East.How would China navigate itself in such a volatile region without jeopardizing its interests and without breaking the principles of non-intervention and sovereignty?More importantly,what type of power does China want to project vis-a-vis the region?This paper argues that the Middle East region,among all the world’s regions,is the most critical for the success of the BRI.China’s ability to maximize gains amidst regional security challenges will determine the future of its global political and economic influences.The region is a test for China’s diplomacy and credibility,which are crucial for its status as a future global power.

China’s Developing Foreign Policy Initiatives towards Major International Issues

Since 2006,it has become clearer that China is adopting a new approach to dealing with major international issues,such as the North Korea and Iran nuclear issues and the Darfur crisis in western Sudan.In all these issues China has contributed positively and has demonstrated a high degree of cooperation with other major powers in order to solve these problems.On the Iran and Korean nuclear issues,China has encouraged these countries to respect the nuclear non-proliferation regime while using her influence in Sudan to push the Sudanese government to accept the deployment of the United Nations-African Union forces in Darfur.

利益依归:九一八事变后,英国远东政策演变(1931—1933)——以英国内阁文件为中心的分析

九一八事变后,中国在外交上选择诉诸国联。作为国联领袖的英国不愿认真履行《国联盟约》义务。英国以利益为取向,在远东政策上采取了选择性的应对策略:与己利益相关则积极干预,否则就消极推诿,甚至有时表现出纵容、支持日本侵华。不过,英国的这种反应并非纯粹的袒护日本或纯粹的依据九一八事变的事实支持中国,而是以其根本利益为着力点,不断转换。通过对英国内阁文件的解读,来观察英国政府决策层在九一八事变至1933年初对日本侵华的应对举措及其不同阶段的变化情况。

俄国的远东政策与西伯利亚大铁路的修筑

19世纪80年代中期以后,俄国资本主义进入垄断阶段,经济渗透是这个时期俄国远东政策的主要特征。西伯利亚大铁路的修筑成为俄国远东政策的关键所在,俄国从此改变了此前战略上的守势。至此,俄国的远东政策获得了成功。西伯利亚大铁路的修建,是俄国实现远东扩张战略的一个重要标志,在远东国际关系史上产生了重要影响。

论日本大陆政策与俄国远东政策

日本大陆政策与俄国远东政策均形成于19世纪,并分别被两国确定为基本国策。两大政策的目标与实质基本相同,其宗旨均为向外侵略扩张,称雄于东北亚,因而在实施过程中给中国、朝鲜乃至整个亚洲带来深重灾难。两大政策之间的残酷争斗是主流并贯穿始终,但有时又不得不互相妥协和勾结,两国间甚至签订了3次公开协定和4次秘密条约。然而两大政策的结局与其初衷背道而驰,远东政策在一定程度上导致了罗曼诺夫王朝的彻底崩溃,大陆政策的直接结果是日本的战败投降。

雅尔塔会议前美苏远东战略与共同支蒋政策的形成

二战结束前夕,美苏从各自的远东利益出发,确立了共同支持蒋介石的政策。这一政策是美苏在远东地区战略互动的产物,虽然其政策本身存在着无法解决的内在矛盾,但它对当时中国以至整个远东地区政治形势的发展仍然产生了重大影响。

美国多边主义东亚新政策剖析

奥巴马就任美国总统以来对东亚政策进行大调整,出台了多边主义东亚新政策。东亚由此出现原生性地区多边主义与美国东亚多边主义并行发展的局面。内容上,美国的多边主义东亚新政策是在新形势下对其原有双边主义东亚政策的适应性调整。其在实践中表现为:将双边同盟关系合并或扩展成以美日同盟为核心的各种三边合作机制,在与包括东盟在内的东亚各行为体建立或加强双边友好合作关系的基础上构建各种小多边合作机制,以及选择通过成员资格具有开放性的"东亚峰会"机制加入东亚一体化。实质上,这一新政策与双边主义东亚政策一样是美国用以维持其东亚领导地位的工具。尽管美国的加入使东亚一体化的力量格局趋于平衡,但其带有很强的应对中国实力上升的色彩和将东亚一体化消解入亚太地区一体化中的意图,使东亚局势更加复杂和不确定。

美国远东政策与日本的战争赔偿

:第二次世界大战后 ,美国凭借其强大的实力以及单独占领日本的有利条件 ,使日本的战争赔偿问题始终为其远东政策服务。从最初积极、坚决的拆迁赔偿 ,到逐步减少并宣布停止拆迁赔偿 ,甚至放弃赔偿 ,反映出美国远东政策的变化。日本的战争赔偿最终以象征性的劳务赔偿方式解决 ,保证了美国的远东政策的顺利实施 ,但却严重地损害了深受日本侵略之苦的广大亚洲国家的利益 。