Beijing's Foreign Economic Relations and Trade

Beijing’s foreign economic relations and trade in 1993 surpassed that of 1992, and remarkable breakthroughs were made during the last year in the utilization of foreign capital, export volume and foreign exchange earnings, and the construction of development zones, according to Mr Zhang Xuequn, the Deputy Director of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade Commission of the Beijing Municipal Government. The robust development

Beijing's Steady Growth in Foreign Economic Relations and Trade

In 1995,Beijing’s foreign economic andtrade sector continued to deepen itsrestructuring,give play to its advantagesand overcome its difficulties,and maintainedsustained development in foreign trade,theutilization of foreign investment and foreigncooperation. The year 1995 saw an import andexport volume of US＄4.23 billion,5.4 percentup from the previous year,including animport volume of US＄1.74 billion,down 8percent,exports of US＄2.49 billion,17.3percent up from the previous year,whichsurpasses the required US＄2.3 billion ofexports by the municipal government.Specialforeign trade companies and industrial andtrade companies had exports of US＄1.441billion,4.8 percent up from the previousyear,accounting for 57.9 percent of the

At the Juncture of China's Entry to WTO, An Overall Development of Foreign Economic Relations andTrade Will Be Carried out in XPCC

The Xinjiang Production andConstruction Corps (XPCC) was foundedin October 1954. Since 1990, its plan hasbeen listed directly under the state councilof PRC.After 50 years of arduouspioneering and development, the XPCChas now developed to be a specialorganization with a solid economicstrength and enterprise group superiority,which is based on the large-scale andmodernized agriculture, and guided

Regional Stability for National Survival： Iran＇s Foreign Policy Towards the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia in the Post-Soviet Era

This paper focuses on Iran＇s foreign policy towards the Caucasus and Central Asia regions in the post-Soviet Union era, using a theoretical approach which stresses the importance of historical and geographical contextualization for the analysis of foreign policy. The article＇s main argument is that Iranian foreign policy towards these regions in the last 25 years, although the result of a complex and multi-layered decision-making process, has been led by two unifying long-term objectives： regional stability and national security. In order to demonstrate this argument, the article undertakes a factual analysis focusing on the role Iran played during the main regional conflicts that have occurred since the Soviet Union＇s collapse in Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as the diplomatic re-engagement Iran has been building with the countries of these two regions after the end of the Iran nuclear deal. Standard interpretations of Iran＇s foreign policy define it as a player with hegemonic ambitions whose foreign policy is mainly led by ideological factors. This paper assumes that foreign policy＇s analysis needs time and space contextualization. Once historical and geographical factors are taken into account----of which the most important are Iran＇s proximity to Russia and Afghanistan along with its international diplomatic isolation due to nuclear sanctions--then Iran＇s foreign policy in Central Asia and the Caucasus appears to be that of a regional power interested in maintaining the existing status quo. Stability and territorial integrity in these two regions in fact are seen by Teheran as necessary conditions for Iran＇s own territorial integrity and internal security. The paper is based on both secondary and primary sources, most of them official statements, all in the public domain.

Towards the East:Iran’s Foreign Policy in Ahmadinejad Era—Based on James Rosenau’s Continuity Theory

The article seeks to examine the East Look Policy(ELP)in Iran’s Foreign Policy(IFP)(2005-2013).We believe that states,due to different factors,may adopt different policies in their FP.So,the main research question is:Why did Iranian state adopt ELP in its FP in duration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad era?With regard to the question,our hypothesis is“there are some factors in Iran’s internal environment that we called them micro-level factors and some variable in external environment that we called them macro-level variables in formation of ELP in IFP”.To prove this hypothesis,we use James Rosenau’s foreign policy theory that has been stood on two micro-and macrolevel analysis to examination of FP of any state.Regarding Rosenau’s theory,there are four factors on micro-level include:individual of policy-maker,his/her role in political system,social values,and governmental structure.In addition,in macro-level,there are some variables,such as the logic of anarchy,the action of other states(especially US),and nuclear sanctions imposed by the US and Western nations.

Overlapping and Conflicting Interests as Opposed to Integration and Disintegration in Iran-India Ties 1947-1979

In the period between independence of India in 1947 to Iranian Islamic revolution in 1979 there were plenty of factors in the position of integration and disintegration acting in the relationship between the two countries. Iran and India, whose result is meaningfully affected by factors in three levels of national, regional and international sphere and in the framework of bipolarity as the predominant system in the then international system. The ties in the critical period of cold war between two superpowers that came after the World War II were full of ups and downs. Undoubtedly the true perception of such an atmosphere needs to pay attention to the factors of integration and disintegration, which are interdependent and directly or indirectly impact each other and the finalized atmosphere of mutual relations. Knowing the atmosphere is not only important historically but also it enables researchers to evaluate the different factors within the relations and to interpret each of them critically, meaning that the root of disputes, influence of global events and external factors in mutual relations, changes the politician point of views and the political mainstream patterns, and finally to mention the strategic and geopolitical situation regarding the influential factors of integration or disintegration. At the end, the cleared results open a new foundation in order to make new researches which can help to make formula to futurism and be useful in practical sphere.

The New Situation on the Korean Peninsula and China’s Diplomatic Policy

There are some positive changes on the two sides of the Korean Peninsula in 2018;the situation on the peninsula has released a signal of relaxation;it seems that the Korean Peninsula presents the “double suspension” situation which has been advocated by the Chinese government, and both the two sides of the Korean Peninsula have shown a strong will to ease the tension on the peninsula, and promote the inter-Korean relations to ease and improve the bilateral relations. As a close neighbor of the Korean Peninsula, in the face of the current situation on the peninsula, China should focus on deepening cooperation between China and the United States on the Korean nuclear issue, institutionalize the development of inter-Korean relations, and enhance its capability to resolve the Korean nuclear issue peacefully.

The Belt and Road Initiatives and China＇s Middle East Energy Policy

The paper analyses the roots of the Belt and Road Initiative as well as China＇s Middle East Energy Policy in an age of great transformation. China＇s rapidly progressed economic growth leading to a dramatic increase in China＇s energy demand in recent years. The Middle East countries play a critical role in the international energy markets. Stable relations with the Middle East countries become increasingly important for Chinese energy security, and the continued development. The protection of these relations lies at the core of the Belt and Road Initiative. Within The Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese Middle East energy policy proceeds according to the energy cooperation framework known as ＂1＋2＋3＂, which seeks to build a reliable China-Arab strategic cooperative relationship based on long-term friendship. To avoid over dependence on the energy resources of the Middle East, China will also continue to search for other overseas energy sources and protect transportation channels. Despite risks and challenges associated with energy imports from the Middle East, China has cultivated strong relations with states in the region and will develop these economic ties further in the coming years.

俄乌冲突下日本的外交政策

俄乌冲突的爆发,对长期处于和平主义思潮影响下的日本社会造成较大冲击。日本政府不仅谴责了俄罗斯的军事行动,还与欧美等国联合援助乌克兰,并阶段性地强化了对俄罗斯的经济制裁。日本的外交举措在双边层面上直接导致日俄关系显著恶化,促使日乌关系迅速提升,亦进一步强化了日美同盟关系;在多边层面上则推进了日本与G7国家的协作,加强了日本与北约的联系,也导致日本加大了推进印太战略的力度。与此同时俄乌冲突加速了日本安全战略的转型,推进了日本走向“正常化国家”的步伐。日本政府破例首次向处于战争状态下的乌克兰提供了防弹衣、头盔等非杀伤性军事装备,首相岸田文雄也破例成为日本战后历史上首次访问战争地区的最高首脑。

Securitization and De-securitization􀋖Turkey-Syria Relations since the Syrian Crisis

The article focuses on the nature of the relations between Turkey and Syria during the Syrian crisis.Although the relationship between Turkey and Syria had undergone some ups and downs in the last several years,both countries tried their best to improve their economic,political,cultural,and diplomatic relations.Indeed,Turkey introduced its model,“Moderate Islamic ideologies”,through Syria in the Middle East and North Africa(MENA).The“Arab Spring”of 2011 was a very good opportunity for Turkey to introduce its democratic Islamic dogmas which were welcomed by the Muslim Brotherhood leaders in some Arab Countries.But,the President of Syria,Bashar Al Assad,and his allies were very critical of Turkey’s policy.Thus,the article mainly explores the role of Turkey in Syria’s internal affairs,in particular,Erdogan’s policy towards Syrian crises.Besides,it examines Turkey’s domestic challenges and how Turkey has presented itself as a big supporter of the Arab Spring in the MENA.However,the article has found out that the current policies of Turkey towards the Syrian crisis are critical within the Middle East region.In other words,the conflicts and the wars against the Islamic State(ISIS)and the Kurdistan Workers’Party(PKK)weakened the bilateral relations.The Syrian refugees and the PKK are posing overwhelming challenges to Turkey’s economy and internal security.

Potential to Leap Forward?Interrogating the Relations between China and Tunisia

China has a stake in Tunisia,both strategic and economic.The situation of the county,as a Mediterranean,Arab-Muslim and African hub,is of great interest,and represents an important gateway for China to expand its economic interests in Africa and Europe.Compared with its neighbours,including Algeria,Egypt,Libya and Morocco,Tunisia has more transparent legal systems,better-established financial institutions and easier visa procedures.Nonetheless,these advantages have not yet translated into significant investment by and trade with China.This article analyses the factors for the historically tepid relations between China and Tunisia,what Tunisia means to China today in the context of the latter’s promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)and the prospects for the development of bilateral relations.

Religion and International Relations in the Age of Globalization

The global resurgence of religion and the return of religion from the so-called“Westphalia Exile”to the central stage of international religions have significantly transformed the viewpoints of both media and academia toward the role of religion in international relations(IR),and the challenges posed by religion to the contemporary international relations are often described as entirely subversive.The author argues that as a second-tier factor in the foreign policies of most countries and international affairs,religion and religious movements could neither shake the dominant role of“norm-setting”sovereign states in the international system,nor serve as a basis to“rebuild”IR theory.The paper concludes with a discussion on the implications of religion’s growing influence in IR for China,the importance of religion to the construction of China’s international image,and the feasibility of religion being developed as a resource for China’s public as well as people-to-people diplomacy.

印度外资准入制度评析

为了大量吸引外资,印度政府制定了一系列较为开放的外资政策,其中最为关键的是外资准入制度。印度在外资准入方面设定了自动批准和政府审批这两个渠道,并允许大多数外资适用自动批准渠道。但是,印度多年形成的排斥外资的思想以及政府的官僚作风等因素使得这些设计良好的外资准入审批渠道并没有发挥出应有的作用。印度在外资准入领域还有很大的提升空间,在吸引外资方面还有很长的路要走。

美国合同法中意思自治的限制及对我国的启示

美国法上对意思自治的限制主要有普通法上的限制和制定法上的限制。前者主要有:要求选择法律必须与合同或者当事人具有实质联系,不能违反本应适用法律所属国的基本政策,以及法院地的公共政策的限制;后者则区分不同的合同类型,以及不同的公共政策对当事人的意思自治进行限制。我国法律有关意思自治的规定,存在着在强制性规则、公共秩序的限制方面规定模糊的不足之处。我国法院在未来的法律解释中应该对这些问题注意解决。

文化因素与美国对华外交

在一国对外政策中,文化因素,特别是一个民族长期形成的文化传统、价值观念、民族心理和思维方式对一个国家的外交有着长期、深远的影响。本文在分析美国文化特征的基础上,认为上帝选择的"使命观"和实用主义对美国外交具有深刻的影响。中美两国从18世纪开始交往以来的二百多年历史中,这些特征在美国对华外交中一直起着重要的作用。

奥巴马政府对华政策与中美关系走向

中美关系是当今世界上最重要的双边关系之一。奥巴马政府上台后,一方面致力于同中国建立长期、积极且具有建设性的关系,另一方面在安全领域继续防范中国。奥巴马政府上台后,中美关系实现了平稳过渡,中美在广泛领域进行了合作,但中美之间也有不和谐音。在中美关系实现了最初平稳过渡后,中美之间麻烦凸显,磨擦不断。一个突出的表现是中美经贸磨擦升温。本文详尽阐述了奥巴马政府对华基本政策及当前中美关系状况,深刻剖析了影响奥巴马政府对华政策的因素,并提出了中国应采取的对策。

从中美关系“解冻”看基辛格在尼克松政府外交决策机制中的地位与作用——基于美国解密档案的分析

基辛格是冷战时期重要的国际关系学者和战略谋划大师,亦是尼克松政府外交决策机制中的核心成员之一。由他和尼克松总统搭档的"二人团队"垄断性地掌控美国外交战略,在世界舞台上掀起层层波澜,推动大国关系和国际格局的纵深发展。以中美关系"解冻"这一重大历史事件作为分析案例可见,伴随尼克松时代美国外交决策机制的调整,基辛格作为总统国家安全事务助理在美国外交权力谱系中"一人之下,万人之上"的卓著地位得以确立和不断强化,并通过个人色彩浓厚、目的明确的秘密外交重构国际格局。

工商业人权条约规治模式的中国方案构想

为解决跨国公司侵犯人权问题,工商业人权条约的制定是必要的。国际社会各方对条约的规治模式有不同的要求,我国应在当前的工商业人权立法流程下,参考现有的规治模式,构建自己的方案。从调整内容和执行机制角度分析现有的工商业人权国际法实践,可以归纳出《指导原则》、零草案及第三版修订草案三种立法模式。三种模式的主要特征分别为“所有企业+倡导性尊重义务+无执行机制+过程导向”“跨国企业+法定保障义务+国内机制+结果导向”及“所有商业活动+法定保障义务+国内机制+结果导向”。从保障效果、被接受度看,零草案模式最为均衡。基于自身的规治需求进行考量,中国应参考零草案模式来构建自己的方案,推进涉外法治体系的建设。

中国在中欧关系中的重点及战略

当今,欧洲联盟与中国之间的关系是强大而重要的,尽管对双方而言其并未处于最理想状态。中欧关系在历经1995—2005年的渐进式发展之后,近年来见证了一系列使双方感到刺激的挫折。由于世界在严重的全球经济与金融危机之后正在拥抱一个更具挑战性的未来,并且鉴于《里斯本条约》所涵盖的新外交政策体系正在成形,为了贡献于这一重要关系的可能复苏,欧盟与中国进行一次更加认真的深层次对话可谓恰当其时。在本文中,作者将辨识以往欧盟在中国外交政策构想中的地位,评价双方关系的发展,勾勒中国的欧盟政策重点以及架构中国的对欧战略。