Measures and Strategic Conception of Japan to Deal with the Russia–Ukraine Crisis

After the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict, Japan wasted no time in advancing its national strategy and actively promoted shuttle diplomacy with the United States(U.S.), Europe, East Asia, and neighboring countries of Ukraine around sanctions against Russia based on strategic considerations and the goal of maximizing national interests. Japan regarded this conflict as an important opportunity for an international strategic game, in an attempt to move and overturn the postwar international order and reconstruct the new global order with the U.S., Europe, and Japan as the core countries dominating the military, science and technology, and economic spheres. In response to the crisis, Japan made a brief policy adjustment—from the initial hesitation to the imposition of active sanctions and pressure on Russia—to reverse the passive situation on the issue of the Four Northern Islands and weaken Russia’s strength. Japan also took the opportunity to promote the “China threat theory”;strengthen the quadrilateral mechanism between the U.S., Japan, India, and Australia;provoke regional confrontation;and try to gain a new Cold War dividend.

Cost-profit analysis for Japan-Russia and Japan-South Korea interconnectors

This paper describes the results of cost-profit analysis related to interconnectors for Japan-Russia and JapanSouth Korea based on the Asia International Grid Connection Study Group 2^(nd) report. The Group has been established in 2016 for conducting research on international electric power networks in Asia from the viewpoint of technology, investment and legal framework. 2^(nd) report of the Group was published in June 2018, examining the profitability of an interconnectors between Japan and neighboring countries. The Group has calculated expected profit from operation of these interconnectors.The Group has categorized interconnector business into four models from the survey of preceding and current business on grids and interconnectors. To clarify profitability, expected internal rate of return(IRR) was calculated for each business model based on estimated investment cost for each route. When interconnector is dedicated to specific power plants or suppliers and electricity can be sold at Japan wholesale market at 2016-2017 price level, positive IRR levels are expected in case that Free on Board(FOB) price lower than 7 JPY/kWh. When the investment will be covered by electricity tariff by final consumers, tariff for consumers will just slightly increase by approximately 0.1 JPY/kWh.

Route designs and cost estimation for Japan-Russia and Japan-South Korea interconnections

This paper describes route designs and cost estimation for possible interconnections between Japan-Russia and between Japan-South Korea based on the Asia International Grid Connection Study Group 2^(nd) report. The Group has conducted a desktop study to design several cable routes as possible options. To optimize the route, the group studied a wide range of open data, regarding sea depth, fishery zones, geographic condition, available transmission capacity in connecting points inside Japan and so on. The result of desktop study shows that it is possible to keep sea depth for planned routes less than 300 m and length for most of designed routes is less than 600 km. Compare to existing undersea cables in Europe, proposed routes are not challenging from technical and geological viewpoints.The study shows that investment cost range, including cost for grid enhancement inside Japan, is from around 200 bn JPY to 600 bn JPY, depending on the routes. Annualized cost range is from around 8 to 24 bn JPY(for 25-year operation), which is not so large compare to 1800 bn JPY-average annual investment in transmission infrastructure by 10 power utilities in the past 23 years.

On the Road for Friendship and Cooperation:Sidelights on the Visit of Liu Hongcai,Vice President of CAFIU to Russia,Japan and Cambodia

At the invitation of Civic Chamber of Russian Federation,Junior Chamber International Japan and Civil Society Alliance Forum, Cambodia, Liu Hongcai,Deputy Chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee of Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.

Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty Negotiations And Plans For Joint Economic Activity on the Southern Kuril Islands

The article analyzes the Russo-Japanese peace treaty negotiations in 2013-2019.Despite the rapprochement in the trade,economic,political and humanitarian spheres,the territorial dispute remains an obstacle,significantly complicating bilateral ties.There remain disagreements on the sovereignty over the southern Kuril Islands,on acceptable conditions for resolving a territorial dispute,as well as on the significance of the territorial dispute for the development of bilateral relations.The plans for the implementation of joint economic activities on the southern Kuril Islands are also analyzed.It is concluded that Russia and Japan need to continue to build upon the result of rapprochement initiated by the leaders of the countries and continue negotiations on the peace treaty that will upgrade their relations.

Celiac Disease in Asia beyond the Middle East and Indian subcontinent:Epidemiological burden and diagnostic barriers

Celiac Disease(CD)had been considered uncommon in Asia for a long time.However,several studies suggested that,in the Indian subcontinent and Middle East countries,CD is present and as prevalent as in Western countries.Outside these Asian regions,the information about the epidemiology of CD is still lacking or largely incomplete for different and variable reasons.Here,we discuss the epidemiological aspects and the diagnostic barriers in several Asian regions including China,Japan,Southeast Asia and Russia/Central Asia.In some of those regions,especially Russia and Central Asia,the prevalence of CD is very likely to be underestimated.Several factors may,to a different extent,contribute to CD underdiagnosis(and,thus,underestimation of its epidemiological burden),including the poor disease awareness among physicians and/or patients,limited access to diagnostic resources,inappropriate use or interpretation of the serological tests,absence of standardized diagnostic and endoscopic protocols,and insufficient expertise in histopathological interpretation.

追随制裁:俄乌冲突下日本对俄制裁政策评析

岸田政府出于提高日美欧合作水平、扩大价值观外交影响力、维护政权稳定性等方面考量,在俄乌冲突问题上积极追随美国,采取以对俄全方位制裁为重点、以日美欧多方联动为依托、以多元化援助乌克兰为补充的对俄制裁政策。日本对俄制裁政策既对俄罗斯造成沉重打击,也对日本国家建设产生多重影响,使日美欧合作水平得到深化,影响了国际秩序的发展方向。但日本对俄制裁政策也存在能力与意愿不足、日俄经贸结构不对称等限制性条件,面临动力不足的挑战。从根本上看,日本对俄制裁政策的持续实则是为了摆脱战后体制束缚、打破日俄领土争端僵局、构建制衡中国的联盟体系。

中俄与日俄关系的差异与成因

中国、日本与俄罗斯的关系对亚太地区的和平与发展具有重要意义。中、日作为世界领先的重要经济体,在区域与全球合作中发挥着关键的作用。俄罗斯作为中、日的近邻,希望与两国加强互联互通,加速远东开发。远东地区资源富饶,但开发不足。2014年乌克兰危机以来,俄罗斯加快“向东”步伐。与中俄合作稳步升温相比,日俄合作相形见绌,中俄贸易额已超出日俄贸易额上千亿美元。本文从中俄与日俄经济合作的差异出发,从政治互信、社会民情等方面对中俄关系与日俄关系进行对比,发现中俄合作的优势,寻找日俄合作的不足,分析相关原因,并尝试探索促进东北亚稳定与发展的前景。

Essay on Haruki Murakami’s The Last Lawn of the Afternoon:The Shadow of America Lurking in the Everyday Order

The Last Lawn of the Afternoon is one of Haruki Murakami’s most important early short stories.In this paper,I avoid conventional arguments,focusing my analysis on the encounter between the middle-aged woman and Boku,and the work’s historical backdrop and setting instead.This reveals how Boku’s personal experience speaks to the everyday lives of Japanese citizens at the mercy of circumstances in postwar Japan under American influence and international events.It appears that Murakami attempts to convert the personal minority“memories”,lurking in the everyday order of postwar Japan,into“novels”as open collaborative storiesin his early short stories.

The Sandwich Man:A Representative Rhetoric of Ressentiment toward the Empire in Taiwan Residents New Wave Cinema

The Sandwich Man(1983),the groundbreaking work of Taiwan Residents New Wave Cinema,had a significant impact.The movie are made up of three short films The Sandwich Man(Hou Hsiao-hsien),Xiaoqi’s Hat(Tseng Ch’ang-hsiang),and The Taste of Apples(Wan-ren),are typically seen as tales of modernity from the countryside to the city,but also contains native Taiwan Residents imperial ressentiment,particularly the ressentiment toward the American Empire in The Taste of Apples and the social sentiment of being wounded by Japan that haunts Xiaoqi’s hat,while The Sandwich Man attempts to seek to position themselves in their role.

From Uncle Sam to Just Trump: A Long Way of Alternating Irony- hate-ambivalence among Russian Users-Students Regarding Politicians

The paper is discusses the role of emotionally significant political images in youth culture.The study covers the period between 2006 and 2017 during which Russia saw not only a political and economic transition but also dramatic changes in communication technology.The 6-stage research included two waves of testing in 2006,2012,2017.Respondents were aged 17 to 24 years old.In 2017 the general youth international value agenda can be considered formed,with its essential feature being the further reduction of the influence of advertising and communication of politicians’brands.

俄乌冲突下俄罗斯亚太外交政策新变化与新挑战

俄乌军事冲突爆发后,为应对美西方空前制裁和孤立,俄罗斯将“向东看”政策视为必需而非选项,其政策调整为:放弃与美西方缓和关系的努力,突出与合作伙伴的共同利益,寻找新的合作市场和战略机遇;充分利用亚太地区经济快速发展带来的机遇,而非只看到外部环境对其国内资源造成的威胁;克服与欧洲合作产生的惯性,加快推动系统性措施;巩固与朝鲜、蒙古国的传统友好关系,继续拉住印度;保持中俄关系的强大战略定力且平稳发展;加强在国际组织中的活动,视东盟为优先的多边外交方向,加快布局亚太能源市场。未来俄罗斯亚太外交面临新挑战,任重道远。

影响日韩关系的两重因素:美国政策与领土问题

冷战爆发后,美国分别于1951年和1953年与日韩两国签订了安保条约。由于美国主导的对日片面媾和没能解决日韩建交的问题,美日安保与美韩安保迟迟难以形成遏制社会主义阵营的合力。在阻碍日韩建交的诸多因素中,两国围绕竹岛(韩国称独岛)的领土争端是最为棘手的问题。虽然美国依仗本国在同盟关系中的优势地位插手日韩领土争端促成两国建立邦交关系的做法一时收到成效,但源自外压的“搁置争议”不断从内部消耗着日韩之间的战略互信,使得日韩关系始终处于脆弱的状态。尹锡悦政权下日韩关系的改善同样只能掩盖两国间的固有矛盾而无法将其彻底消除。

东北亚变局视域下《俄日下田条约》的再审视

从1697年俄日关系启幕至1855年《俄日下田条约》签订,两国早期关系历经一个半世纪的演变。1815年,两国在平息军事冲突和解决人质危机后相互默许边境划分构想,为缔约奠定了历史基础。1852年,俄日关系的相对稳定状态随着东北亚局势变动被打破,为缔约创造了现实条件。两国在谈判中以退让促成和解:俄国以土地让步争取到日本开港通商,政治利益让渡给经济利益;日本则以开港通商保全国体,经济利益让渡给政治利益。妥协性是《俄日下田条约》的突出特征,揭示了条约的实质和俄日早期关系的本质。对俄国而言,《俄日下田条约》是因殖民竞争中的力所不逮而在东方采取的权宜之计;对日本而言,则是避战止戈的近代外交尝试,是幕府逐渐放弃锁国的主动对外探索。

俄国对日安全认知的演变及竞争战略的调整——以迫日还辽政策出台为中心的考察

迫日还辽是关涉俄帝国核心利益且产生深远影响的复杂外交事件,俄国对日本安全认知的演变是迫日还辽政策出台的关键性变量。对俄国而言,中日甲午战争中的日本从“并不是理想的大陆邻居”升级为“危险的邻居”,最后成为“不得不十分关注的邻居”,俄国对日本安全认知的深化反映出日本对俄国威胁的不断加深,迫日还辽政策应运出台。俄国对日认知形塑其对日外交行为,意味着俄国从以大国竞争为主、地缘竞争为辅的战略框架转向以地缘竞争为主、大国竞争为辅。短期来看,迫日还辽缓解俄国的地缘压力,符合特定条件下的国家安全需要。从长期看,强势凌厉的战略布局背后体现俄国对霸权可能衰落的焦虑和维持霸权能力的不自信,暴露出地缘竞争的脆弱和战略调整的乏力。

“美英日新”0~3岁婴幼儿托育课程体系构建经验与启示

我国托育课程建设工作相对滞后,学习国外优秀经验是推进托育课程构建的重要手段之一。从课程目标、课程内容、课程实施和课程评价等方面分析美国、英国、日本、新西兰四个发达国家的托育课程体系和实践经验,可以为探索符合我国国情、具有中国特色的托育课程提供借鉴:以政策研究为引领,完善托育课程指南;以幼儿健康发展为基点,整合托育课程内容;以计划性、生成性为原则,创新托育课程实施方式;以儿童观、发展观为前提,丰富托育课程评价手段。

中国式现代化对世界现代化的创新与超越

中国式现代化是应对世界之变、时代之变、历史之变的中国方案,释放了中国特色社会主义制度和治理体系的优越性,实现了中华优秀传统文化的创造性转化和创新性发展,推动了现代化的理论和实践创新,走出了和平发展的现代化新路。现代化道路在世界不同国家和地区呈现多样性,探索符合自身国情和客观实际的现代化道路是各国的重要课题。日本是“后发赶超型现代化”的典型,也是陷入“赶超后困境”的实例;中东国家很早就开始探寻适合自身的现代化道路,至今却依然面临物质生产、政治制度和意识形态困境;拉美国家获得独立后随即开启现代化历程,时至今日却仍处于过渡阶段,未能成功实现现代化。中国式现代化打破了“现代化=西方化”的理论迷信,拓展了发展中国家实现现代化的新模式,虽源于中国,却属于世界,是一项十分重要的国际公共产品,可为发展中国家提供启发。2023年3月15日,北京外国语大学国际关系学院举办“中国式现代化的世界意义”学术研讨会,十余位知名专家学者就中国式现代化的学理意涵和世界意义展开深入交流,会后本刊组织其中六位专家撰稿,以推动学界对中国式现代化的研究走向深入。

岸田外交与安倍外交的异与同

俄乌冲突爆发以来,岸田政府大力推行“抗俄援乌”外交。从表面看,岸田外交反安倍外交之道而用之,反安倍外交之意而行之。从深层剖析,岸田外交与安倍外交在推动日本改行军事强国路线、在新战争领域发挥攻敌之“矛”的作用,以及扮演美国印太战略马前卒上,并无本质区别。“为善不同,同归于治;为恶不同,同归于乱。”日本应顺世界大势而为,而非逆流而动。

战后日本对能源安全的认识逻辑:兼论俄乌冲突中的能源认识

“能源安全认识”是制定和实施能源政策的前置条件,能源政策是“能源安全认识”的观念产物。战后日本对能源安全的认识,在形式上呈现出从“单一能源安全观”到“综合能源安全观”的结构转变,在内涵上呈现出“煤炭安全观”—“石油安全观”—“3E安全观”—“3E+S安全观”的演进逻辑。“煤炭安全观”与“石油安全观”,都是以单一能源为主的安全观,在政策设计上体现的是“增量至上主义”。20世纪90年代初,日本深化了能源安全的认识内涵,即:在原来“单一能源安全观”基础上,嵌入了“经济效率”和“环境保护”。然而,311大地震与福岛核事故的爆发,暴露出日本以协调“稳定供给”“经济效率”“环境保护”为中心的“3E安全观”的缺陷。对此,日本在“3E安全观”的基础上又追加了能源安全性,即:将安全性与稳定性、效率性、环保性进行平衡统一的“3E+S安全观”。俄乌冲突后,日本对能源安全的认识有了新变化,如:从“防守型”应对能源地缘政治风险转变为“积极参与”全球能源安全治理、推行“脱俄”与“脱碳”并存目标等。

日美同盟背景下的日本衰退与世界大变局

20世纪80年代末到90年代初,日本经历了泡沫经济的生成与破灭,并在其后开始了长期的经济衰退和低迷。以经济实力减弱为代表,日本的国家综合实力也发生了明显的下降。同样是在日美同盟的框架之下,近30年来日本的发展与二战后至20世纪80年代期间的发展相比成效截然不同。日美经济摩擦在80年代就已经趋于激烈化,反映了国家间利益的争夺。这是日本衰落的起因和重要的长期影响因素。新世纪以来国际格局发生的重大变化表明世界将进入一个新的发展阶段,美国实力的减弱预示着“美国治下的和平”将终结。近年来,席卷全球的新冠疫情和俄乌冲突加速了世界大变局的进程并加剧了其深刻程度,同时进一步证实了日美同盟与世界发展格局变化的不相适应。日本国内外发展情况表明,日本的未来发展战略面临重大的挑战,增强战略能力和进行战略选择至关重要。