The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has raised questions about the shape of the world order that will emerge from this crisis.The general view is that it will accelerate trends that were already apparent in world affairs.Th...The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has raised questions about the shape of the world order that will emerge from this crisis.The general view is that it will accelerate trends that were already apparent in world affairs.The pandemic has hit West Asia with a‘double whammy’-the health crisis coupled with the collapse in oil prices on which most regional economies depend to maintain their political,economic and social order.With the region already enmeshed in serious conflicts-in Syria,Yemen and Libya-and experiencing widespread destruction and instability,there are legitimate concerns that the pandemic could aggravate regional divisions and,by design or inadvertence,plunge West Asia into a region-wide conflagration.Given diminished US capacity,credibility and interest in global leadership and responsibility,this paper argues that the pandemic has opened up opportunities for the exploration of new engagements and alignments and shaping of new leadership roles.The paper proposes that the three RIC nations-Russia,India and China-work jointly in a‘Greater Eurasian Partnership’framework to address their internal,regional and global interests.This will strengthen mutual ties within the trilateral format,particularly through resetting Sino-Indian relations,so that the RIC could become an effective instrument to promote regional security and stability.This revitalised RIC would then be well-equipped to pursue initiatives to deal with West Asia’s immediate pandemic-related challenges and shape and lead a peace process in West Asia.展开更多
Turkey’s transition from a Western foreign policy template to a‘multidimensional foreign policy’has brought Asia-Turkey relations once again into focus.However,the transition is yet to find a strategic convergence ...Turkey’s transition from a Western foreign policy template to a‘multidimensional foreign policy’has brought Asia-Turkey relations once again into focus.However,the transition is yet to find a strategic convergence by accommodating Asian powers in a way that does not destabilise Turkey’s relations with the West.This paper argues that Turkey’s increased attention on Asia,now through its rebranded Asia Anew approach,is to be determined by three factors:first,the changes in ideological fault-lines within Turkey have helped reset its foreign policy;second,the changing global balance of power between the West and the rest in which the role of Russia,China and India has grown globally and regionally;and thirdly,Asia’s internal struggle for global and regional leadership mainly between India and China and bilateral competitions such as the triangle of Pakistan,India and China.The paper also argues that Turkey’s assertive politics in Syria,Libya,Qatar,and elsewhere in the Middle East,Mediterranean and the Balkan,and its increasing soft power are also factoring in their Turkish perspectives.Turkey’s quest for an upgraded relationship with Asia to strategic levels depends on how Turkey engages,not just bilaterally,but also how it accommodates the Asian perspective of international politics represented by collective visions of SCO,BRICS and other regional groups which are so visibly critical of the West,of which Turkey is a longtime ally.展开更多
The focus of the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was on the economic dimensions,laced with a tinge of politics.It is likely that the next five years of this ambitious project-whilst making headway...The focus of the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was on the economic dimensions,laced with a tinge of politics.It is likely that the next five years of this ambitious project-whilst making headway in the economic domain and acquiring a greater political flavour-would also attain a security dynamic that could become the basis of a future global security system,with ramifications for the Gulf region.This paper focuses on two interconnected issues:one,the already-evident traces of the BRI’s economic-political-security linkages;and two,how this security feature expands to fit into China’s wider diplomatic and defence policy,which includes a naval plan extending into the Indian Ocean,and how this could impact Gulf security.展开更多
This article analyzes the relationship between the United Arab Emirates(UAE)and Indonesia and describes its main drivers in the Regional Governance.The article provides an analysis of the main strategic interests of b...This article analyzes the relationship between the United Arab Emirates(UAE)and Indonesia and describes its main drivers in the Regional Governance.The article provides an analysis of the main strategic interests of both Indonesia and the UAE considering four-overarching global and regional interests.It discusses reasons why this relationship will likely grow in the future,namely due to common interests in investment in Indonesia’s infrastructure,promoting moderate Islam and providing more ways to balance regional relations between the US,India and China.The article concludes with a synopsis of the key drivers of the UAE-Indonesian relationship and the role the Indian Ocean plays in enabling it.展开更多
文摘The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has raised questions about the shape of the world order that will emerge from this crisis.The general view is that it will accelerate trends that were already apparent in world affairs.The pandemic has hit West Asia with a‘double whammy’-the health crisis coupled with the collapse in oil prices on which most regional economies depend to maintain their political,economic and social order.With the region already enmeshed in serious conflicts-in Syria,Yemen and Libya-and experiencing widespread destruction and instability,there are legitimate concerns that the pandemic could aggravate regional divisions and,by design or inadvertence,plunge West Asia into a region-wide conflagration.Given diminished US capacity,credibility and interest in global leadership and responsibility,this paper argues that the pandemic has opened up opportunities for the exploration of new engagements and alignments and shaping of new leadership roles.The paper proposes that the three RIC nations-Russia,India and China-work jointly in a‘Greater Eurasian Partnership’framework to address their internal,regional and global interests.This will strengthen mutual ties within the trilateral format,particularly through resetting Sino-Indian relations,so that the RIC could become an effective instrument to promote regional security and stability.This revitalised RIC would then be well-equipped to pursue initiatives to deal with West Asia’s immediate pandemic-related challenges and shape and lead a peace process in West Asia.
文摘Turkey’s transition from a Western foreign policy template to a‘multidimensional foreign policy’has brought Asia-Turkey relations once again into focus.However,the transition is yet to find a strategic convergence by accommodating Asian powers in a way that does not destabilise Turkey’s relations with the West.This paper argues that Turkey’s increased attention on Asia,now through its rebranded Asia Anew approach,is to be determined by three factors:first,the changes in ideological fault-lines within Turkey have helped reset its foreign policy;second,the changing global balance of power between the West and the rest in which the role of Russia,China and India has grown globally and regionally;and thirdly,Asia’s internal struggle for global and regional leadership mainly between India and China and bilateral competitions such as the triangle of Pakistan,India and China.The paper also argues that Turkey’s assertive politics in Syria,Libya,Qatar,and elsewhere in the Middle East,Mediterranean and the Balkan,and its increasing soft power are also factoring in their Turkish perspectives.Turkey’s quest for an upgraded relationship with Asia to strategic levels depends on how Turkey engages,not just bilaterally,but also how it accommodates the Asian perspective of international politics represented by collective visions of SCO,BRICS and other regional groups which are so visibly critical of the West,of which Turkey is a longtime ally.
文摘The focus of the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was on the economic dimensions,laced with a tinge of politics.It is likely that the next five years of this ambitious project-whilst making headway in the economic domain and acquiring a greater political flavour-would also attain a security dynamic that could become the basis of a future global security system,with ramifications for the Gulf region.This paper focuses on two interconnected issues:one,the already-evident traces of the BRI’s economic-political-security linkages;and two,how this security feature expands to fit into China’s wider diplomatic and defence policy,which includes a naval plan extending into the Indian Ocean,and how this could impact Gulf security.
文摘This article analyzes the relationship between the United Arab Emirates(UAE)and Indonesia and describes its main drivers in the Regional Governance.The article provides an analysis of the main strategic interests of both Indonesia and the UAE considering four-overarching global and regional interests.It discusses reasons why this relationship will likely grow in the future,namely due to common interests in investment in Indonesia’s infrastructure,promoting moderate Islam and providing more ways to balance regional relations between the US,India and China.The article concludes with a synopsis of the key drivers of the UAE-Indonesian relationship and the role the Indian Ocean plays in enabling it.
