New Public Sphere and Public Discourse in the Context of Globalisation

This paper explores the concept of the new public sphere and public discourse in the context of globalisation.It starts by analyzing how globalisation has affected the emergence of the new public sphere and the role that digital technologies have played in it.The influence of the new public sphere on public discourse during globalisation is discussed,along with how it has affected accessibility,citizen engagement,and power dynamics.The paper also examines the various issues that the new public sphere during globalisation brings to the forefront of public discourse,such as the increased spread of false information,polarization of opinion,marginalization of oppressed groups,cultural appropriation,privacy concerns,surveillance,censorship,and the digital divide.It concludes by arguing that the new public sphere and public discourse during globalisation can be beneficial but should be managed carefully to ensure it is a positive force for society.

New Media, Public Sphere, and Arab Spring： Demystifying the Power of Social Networks

This paper looks at the new media, communication, and political environment in both Tunisia and Egypt during and after the revolution. The new environment provided activists, politicians, civil society, and youth among others, who want to express their opinions and share their views, with various channels and means of corranunication to be part of the political action and to participate in the decision-making process. Social media played an important role in mobilizing youth to rally and protest. This is to say that a new model of communication has emerged with this new environment. The receiver has become the sender and the producer of the message. The process of communication, therefore, has been changed from one to many to from many to many, and everybody became sender and receiver at the same time. The main research question this paper aims to answer is： Are social networks enough to change the political and economic scene in the Arab World？ And is there a relationship between the new communication environment and Arab spring？ The year 2011 has been in the Arab world the year of social networks and radical changes in the political scene where a score of dictators were ousted. New political communication networks and mechanisms took place, and for the first time in Arab political communication, public opinion was a major political player. Social networks helped tremendously the formation of new public sphere where the public finds its way in the media and communication processes. At their best, new media can mobilize crowds and masses to rally and protest. They can give a social perspective to movements. However, they can＇t make change and implement democracy. After the collapse of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, things are not getting any better. There is no democratic transition, and both countries are experiencing complex economic, social, and political problems.

Religion,Rationality,and Democracy:Is There Still a Place for Religion in the Public Sphere?

The article intends to point out affinities in the positions of Jürgen Habermas and Terry Eagleton on the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary world,demonstrating that the recognition of the limitations of human rationality leads both of them to criticize the Enlightenment pretension to suppress any religious viewpoints in the discussion of moral and political issues.It is argued that Habermas and Eagleton share the view that,outside the domain of private beliefs,there would be a horizon in which the aspirations towards the world could converge and a dialogue could be possible not only among religious cultures,but also between these and the secular thought.Such a dialogue could be a contribution to creating a democratic public space consisting of religious and non-religious individuals,since both sides are committed to having a self-critical attitude,an openness to learn with the other and an inclination towards reciprocal understanding.

Digital Public Communication in Europe for a European Public Sphere

In the last years, Europe has aimed at the creation of a new European public sphere that has grown beside and has not replaced the national ones; a public sphere in which the idea of Europe as a shared value, as a reality of nations, but also as a reality of regions and cities, can build and develop. This aim is the result of a long discussion that has led to consider the public communication as a fundamental instrument supporting the dialogue between institutions and citizens and the result of an important sociological debate. Communication is nowadays considered as a structural element of Union＇s programs, and the transformation of the media system, the possibilities of communication offered by the social media, and the growth of participatory cultures have opened new ways to the development of European public communication that can contribute to increasing the European public sphere. This process involves an awareness from institutions and their representatives on the use of social media （e.g., Facebook, Twitter, etc.） to improve the relationship with the citizens and to create a sense of belonging to Europe.

The Public Sphere in Modern China:Forms,Functions and Self-Understandings--A Case Study of Shanghai

Using the case of Shanghai,this article,by starting with a discussion of the historical evolution of political legitimacy in China,analyzes the public sphere in Modern China and its native ideological origin,historical forms and functions in public opinion,and probes into its universality and particularity through a comparison with Jurgen Habermas's notion of the public sphere.

Liberals, Communitarians, Republicans and the Intervention of the State in the Private Sphere

The aim of this paper is to discuss whether the increasing intervention of the state in the private sphere-as is evidenced in labor laws, consumer rights, bioethics, and Internet crimes-is compatible with the liberal ideal of neutrality, or, on the contrary, whether it can be seen as a turning point towards the position of communitarian or republican authors, for whom the state must endorse a substantive good. Such a turning point could lead to a reformulation of the public and private spheres, and of course, raise questions over which values justify which kinds of intervention. This paper will cover these debates in three parts： First, by presenting briefly the history of the liberal conception of rights, I will try to show that, from a starting point based mostly on individual protection, the liberal tradition has become more interventionist, which can be seen through the notion of ＂claim rights.＂ Departing from John Rawls＇s work, I will argue that this notion allows for some level of intervention, without betraying liberal neutrality. Subsequently, I will discuss the difference between this kind of intervention and the ones proclaimed by communitarians and republicans authors： The former will be illustrated by Michael Sandel＇s criticism of Rawls in Liberalism and the Limits of Justice, and the later by Richard Dagger＇s position in Civic Virtues, Citizenship, and Republican Liberalism. Finally, in the third part, we＇ll discuss whether liberal principles can be harmonized with the republican and communitarian focus on civic virtues and good life.

受诅咒的命运?——从自由公共领域到数字公共领域

西方世界自18世纪以来,公共领域经历了自由公共领域、有组织的公共领域和数字化公共领域的三次转型,今天正处在数字公共领域阶段。如何看待公共领域的结构转型?包容与商谈的关系可以作为理论的坐标。以参与者的包容的普遍性和意见形式的说理性特征来衡量,自由的公共领域具有较强的说理性,但具有精英主义特征,劳动者和妇女被排斥在外,议题被限制在财产权和人权范围,具有典型的资产阶级性质。在组织化的公共领域中,国家和组织取代了个人成为公共领域的主要参与者,公共舆论和意见被自上而下地控制和操纵,民众虽然在法律上被赋予了参与的权利,但实际上却被剥夺了发挥作用的机会,因而它是一个弱包容和强控制的公共领域。数字公共领域时代,虽然更多的人被赋予了自我表达的机会和手段,但公共领域日益陷入了分裂和冲突,成为非理性情感和欲望表演的空间,因而是一个强包容和弱商谈的公共领域。如果说,包容性与商谈性的统一是公共领域的理想,从自由公共领域到数字公共领域的演变是否表明:公共领域参与空间的扩大必然带来其质量和品质的下降?这是我们时代面对的难题。

新乡贤何以促进乡村公共性重建——一种理解框架重构的视角

新乡贤何以促进乡村公共性重建是一个需要深入思考的问题。当前,学界关于这一问题虽然形成了精英权威、社会资本、双重代理及核心行动者等4种典型解释模型,但其在理解框架层面存在国家与社会对立、嵌入性支配、现成性结果和割裂化分析等问题,需要构建一种私人—共同—公共领域转型互塑的理解框架来重新把握新乡贤促进乡村公共性重建的问题。在这一新的理解框架下,应坚持整体融合、互塑共生、合作共治等基本原则,增强新乡贤的角色自觉性与自主性,推动多种类型新乡贤形成治理合力,优化完善新乡贤促进乡村公共治理的机制,健全新乡贤促进乡村公共性重建的制度规范,构建新乡贤促进乡村公共性重建的监督反馈体系,从而推动新乡贤促进乡村公共性重建。

城市公共空间研究进展及在中国场景下展开的路径

“城市公共空间”是一个典型的跨学科研究话题,其研究方法和成果也呈现出学科融合的趋势。本文基于政治学的问题意识对各学科的相关研究成果进行了整合与梳理,将其归纳为四个分析视角:政治理论视角中的“公共领域”问题、历史视角中的社会组织问题与城市公众史学的研究方法、比较视角中的政治割据问题与文化批判话语和技术视角中的空间句法与空间行为的具体测量方法。此外,立足于当今中国城市政治发展的客观现状和现有学术路径,中国政治学对城市公共空间的研究,可以依循如下三条研究进路。首先要在政治学的学科框架内对“城市公共空间”的概念和研究范围进行厘定,然后寻找城市公共空间相关问题与政治学核心问题的链接,最后在研究方法和研究思路上可以借鉴现象学的理路进行日常政治生活的研究。

数字技术介入公共卫生安全治理研究——基于“技术—场域”的分析框架

在遵循标准化程序和规则的科层体制下,将多元治理技术与治理场域相结合,对不同实践样态下公共卫生安全治理产生的影响不尽相同。因而,亟须深入思考如何运用数字化、智能化治理技术,在应对公共卫生风险和危机时,不耗损其适应性和有效性,推动公共卫生安全治理技术与场域适配,进而更好地完善公共卫生安全治理体系建设。

银发网红的数字生产实践研究

近年来,城市空间及市民主体的媒介可见性探讨成为热点话题,典型如全国各网红城市的交替晋级,本质上都是借由新媒体平台,将个别网友的意外发现无限放大为媒体事件,进而促进了城市形象的传播。而此间的关注主体主要是青年玩家,较少涉及城市中数量庞大的老龄人群。随着数字化、智能化社会进程的急剧加速,城市老龄人口的积极老龄化与媒介数智化紧密勾连,持续生产着一个特殊群体的城市空间叙事和城市生活文本。该文聚焦老年群体中的积极数字融入者——银发网红,通过网络民族志考察发现,银发网红的数字生产机制,包括独自探索并由家庭和其他社区力量提供技术补偿的独立创作式生产、通过家庭代际联结以及长辈和晚辈间前后台技术分工形式的家庭作坊式生产、以及由MCN机构或其他商业力量与银发网红所联合的商业化团队运营式生产。银发网红的数字生产实践具有积极效应,流量变现产生的经济收益有助于养老生活质量的提升、个人价值、尊严感和自我效能感显著提升、社会关系持续拓展并再造案主的社交空间。值得注意的是,案主同时面临着数字生产劳工化、隐私暴露等潜在风险。

从理性公众到情感公众:数字时代公共领域的理论嬗变

哈贝马斯出版于近六十年前的《公共领域的结构转型》在政治哲学、民主理论和媒介研究等领域有着跨学科的影响。此书构建了公共领域模型,虽然其规范标准的适用性一直存在争议,但它确实经常被用来检验现存国家民主化的可能性。在数字时代,经典公共领域理论的空间想象和以“分”为主的结构性特征受到极大挑战,但是数字媒体作为拉图尔意义上的技术“行动者”无疑重新引入了一种新的公共领域的可能。互联网技术的出现使我们有必要重新讨论公共领域的规范性,调整其标准以适应不断变化的媒介现实,从而有效地探讨新媒介环境如何可能在全球范围内促进新的民主实践。因此有必要厘清规范性公共领域理论所强调的结构性前提,引入“连接政治”和“情感公众”理论,用数字技术的超强“连接”取代“分离”的空间想象,并将“情感”纳入公共性的考察,以平衡自由主义对“理性”在政治生活中的绝对强调。

公私领域划分下的网络暴力刑法治理

对于侵犯私人领域的网络暴力,刑法的限制较少。在网络社会,个体不仅无力抵抗公权力主体的侵害,而且无力抵抗私权力主体的侵害。为了确保公权力始终在法律的边界内行使,应当区分刑法介入公共领域和私人领域的程度。刑法应当积极介入严重危害社会秩序的私人领域的网络暴力,并且适用公诉程序。对涉及公众人物公共性的网络暴力,应当谨慎适用刑法;对涉及公众人物私人性的网络暴力,有必要强化刑法的保护。“受害者脆弱论”和“受害者不完美论”都是对于网络暴力关注的失焦。网络诽谤“情节严重”的认定过程应是综合考量各方面因素的实质判断过程,其中,精神损害是判断因素之一。

对资本主义公私领域中性别潜台词的批判

谈及资本主义世界中的社会性别建构,人类应合时机地将传统上男女生理机制的决定性关系上升为现代意义上的资本主义制度与文化间的逻辑生发关系,挖掘潜藏其中的理论张力与实践封闭关联。伴随着生产力发展和生产关系变革,资本主义社会封闭女性的方式亦发生改变,从传统公私领域疏离过渡到新型公私领域交叉,封闭方式也从单一分散上升至错综交织,性别潜台词更是深隐其中。父权制与资本主义协同共谋、数字资本物化女性、生育异化等致使女性深陷困囿。人分两性,牵一而动二,资本主义对女性竭力压迫,并非只为满足超额利润和父权荣耀,更是一场分裂无产阶级团结力量和维护其恒久统治的阴谋。

文学公共领域审美交往式美育的启蒙功能

在哈贝马斯《公共领域的结构转型》中,文学公共领域的公众讨论文化具有审美教育与启蒙教育合一的特征。而在文学公共领域向资产阶级政治公共领域的转型过程中,审美教育向启蒙教育嬗变。在文学公共领域中,作为政治批判预演的文艺批评,是一种具有启蒙功能的审美交往式美育,其启蒙功能主要体现在以下五个方面:第一,审美知识启蒙。第二,审美政治批判启蒙。第三,私人主体性启蒙。第四,交往理性的启蒙。第五,自由民主平等启蒙。

近现代甬籍出版家与中国文艺现代化

新文艺发生与近现代大众出版业、知识公共空间关系密切。新文艺作品的出版大家张静庐、鲁迅风骨的追随者唐弢、千金散尽的诗人出版家邵洵美、革命文艺的拓荒者楼适夷、左翼刊物的耕耘者柔石和文化论战的先锋王任叔等六位近现代宁波籍出版家,创办现代文艺期刊,编辑新文艺作品,传播新文艺审美理念的现代意识,在新文艺发展史上留下浓墨重彩的一笔。他们发挥了新文学建设“浙军”作家群的骨干力量、推动了左翼文艺运动的蓬勃开展、拓展了文艺批评的公共舆论空间,对中国文艺的现代化产生了深刻的影响。

论罗蒂的反讽自由主义

以柏拉图为代表的传统西方哲学认为世界存在本质,个体的意义在于发现本质真理,找到统一的基础。而当代美国哲学家理查德·罗蒂则认为所谓本质不过是一种虚妄。借助反讽概念,罗蒂批判了传统哲学的本质主义,认为世界充满着偶然性和不确定性。德性和幸福都是无法论证的,二者的统一,是偶尔有之。他还提出将公共和私人领域加以区分,一个真正的自由主义社会应该赞成创造才是个人进步的关键。同时,罗蒂也主张,在追求独特的同时,要理解他人的终极语汇,最大可能地减少残酷,加强团结。

Public Deliberation in an Age of Visibility： Political Communication Analysis in Mexico

This paper reviews the importance of visibility in public deliberation in the theoretical construction of political communication. Political communication is the area that study social and political interactions of actors through discourses and practices within the public sphere. The social and political actors manage their public appearances in an exercise of visibility, allowing deliberation of public affairs. In recent years, Mexico has been a relevant case of study for understanding the opening of media into the public discussion of governmental affairs. As an example, this paper presents an analysis of public deliberation in the city of Quer6taro, Mexico. This study analyses political participation and openness of media, based on the concepts visibility, public sphere and citizenship. The analysis was built on the idea that the press concentrates most of the issues of public interest and that it reflects actors and arguments given for deliberation. In a qualitative approximation, we analyzed the discourses published in four journals and developed an analytical framework that illustrates the levels of access and visibility of a variety of political and social actors. This exercise demonstrates the importance of the concept of visibility in public deliberation and the media as managers in the current configuration of political communication.

Urban Transformations and the Importance of Public Spaces and Urban Places

The aim of this essay is to understand the relationship between the media and the city. It is based on qualitative text analysis of theories and arguments from within urban sociology and media and communication. Two questions are posed：（1） what assumptions are the relationship characteristics between the media and the city based on？ and （2） what communicative changes in the relationship between the media and the city are historically noticeable？ The results are that： （1） the characteristics of the relationship between the media and the city are based on the assumption that the role of the media in society is closely intervened with the rise of the modern city and the urban society; and （2） four phases of communicative changes up until today are noticeable. First-hand experiences decreased and second-hand contact became more common, more shallow and rational due to the population sizes of the modern cities. The first-hand experiences continue to decrease but also the second-hand experiences. The latter is due to the increased importance of visual representations, and that the perceptions of the city became more important. As consequences people no longer always know from where their experiences steam. The implications of the characteristics of the relationship between the media and city are further discussed in terms of the importance of public spaces and public places.

从公共领域到数字界面——哈贝马斯与数字时代的公共领域转型

六十年前,哈贝马斯撰写的《公共领域的结构转型》为他奠定了良好的学术声誉,他梳理了资本主义社会中公共领域的历史形成过程。最近,他的新书《公共领域的结构新转型和协商政治》似乎在呼应这样一个问题:随着传统大众媒体变成数字界面上的流媒体和自媒体,公共领域是否也随之发生变化?哈贝马斯认为数字媒体的挑战弱化了“负责任”的守卫,从而模糊了私人领域和公共领域的区别,让右翼民粹主义可以在数字媒体上大行其道。而哈贝马斯忽略了数字界面之下并不是主体之间面对面的关系,而是被界面的协议和规则中介的交往关系,即主体间的对话伦理逐渐让位于数字空间的界面伦理。