The nuclear disaster at Fukushima has raised questions about the nature of democratic policymaking in Japan. Focusing on nuclear policymaking post-Fukushima, this paper considers ways in which the diversity of public ...The nuclear disaster at Fukushima has raised questions about the nature of democratic policymaking in Japan. Focusing on nuclear policymaking post-Fukushima, this paper considers ways in which the diversity of public opinion can be connected with legislative processes. The disaster forced the government to rethink existing nuclear policies. To infuse public voices into government policy, the Democratic Party of Japan （DPJ） government introduced a new method of public participation called ＂national debates＂, comprising a series of public hearings, mass public comments, and deliberative polling. The government also attached importance to anti-nuclear rallies and opinion polls conducted by the media. The national debates highlighted that the majority of Japanese people supported a nuclear-free society; as a result, the government drafted a new energy plan to phase out nuclear power by 2039. Owing to both domestic and international opposition, the plan failed to become law. Progress was also impeded by the public＇s contradictory demands. However, this paper posits that inefficient legislative deliberation was the main factor behind the policy failure. The Japanese case suggests that effective legislative deliberation is crucial to assessing and coordinating numerous divergent public voices.展开更多
The paper examines the root causes of Japan＇s rapid shift to foreign policy activism. To explain the causes, I develop the so-called ＂perverse political accountability＂ approach. Specifically, the approach claims t...The paper examines the root causes of Japan＇s rapid shift to foreign policy activism. To explain the causes, I develop the so-called ＂perverse political accountability＂ approach. Specifically, the approach claims that a growing security challenge from China and North Korea, and US policy favoring Japan＇s foreign policy activism structure. Japan＇s domestic political condition that the majority of Japanese people become more conservative and nationalistic. Such shift in the Japanese people＇s preference has been both creating and reinforcing a perverse accountability by which the leaders or parties willing to adopt hard-line foreign policies are better off electorally while the leaders or parties remaining soft-line on foreign affairs are worse off. The perverse accountability not only leads to a severe partisan imbalance between the conservative parties and the leftist parties, but also gives the most conservative party, e.g., the Liberal Democratic Party （LDP）, a greater chance of coming to office and of pursuing assertive foreign policy they favor. Thus, the perverse accountability is at the center of current Japan＇s turn to foreign policy activism. This finding contributes to an enhanced understanding for Japan＇s shift to assertive foreign policy.展开更多
China-Japan Relationship is a very special bilateral tie in international relations since it＇s a matter of regional peace and stability. The Abe administration has long pursued a ＂bet-hedging＂ strategy towards Chin...China-Japan Relationship is a very special bilateral tie in international relations since it＇s a matter of regional peace and stability. The Abe administration has long pursued a ＂bet-hedging＂ strategy towards China. Although it claims that it attaches great importance to the ties between Japan and China, it pursues ＂Strategic Diplomacy＂ and ＂Value-oriented Diplomacy＂ to hype up the so-called ＂China Threat＂ in international community. It not only makes China-Japan relations to continuously fall into a vicious circle of＂repeated deterioration＂, but also become an uncertainty for peace and stability in East Asia and the regional security. In addition, it reflects the ＂diplomacy dilemma＂ of the Abe administration＇s China policy.展开更多
The China-Japan relationship has swung between deterioration and improvement in the 21st century while Japanese leaders'cognition and Japanese public opinion remain operative at a deep level.The return of the bila...The China-Japan relationship has swung between deterioration and improvement in the 21st century while Japanese leaders'cognition and Japanese public opinion remain operative at a deep level.The return of the bilateral relationship in 2018 to the normal development track was aided by Japan's shift toward coordination,China's re-shaped policy,and a boost by the Trump administration.Though the China-Japan relationship will continue improving in the short run,it is unlikely“deterioratiomimprovcment”cycles will end since too many glaring structural contradictions exist.While memories of their intense history and today's territorial issues linger,the fluctuation of Japan*s diplomatic options and weak Japanese public opinion for improved relations with China will continue the same cyclical,but not forward,momentum.展开更多
China has abundant wind energy resources and huge development potential among developing countries.Japan is a developed country that planned to increase the use of renewable energy,especially wind energy.This research...China has abundant wind energy resources and huge development potential among developing countries.Japan is a developed country that planned to increase the use of renewable energy,especially wind energy.This research is aimed at reviewing the development of wind power and relevant policies between China and Japan.Firstly,we introduced the current status of global wind power development,such as the global installed capacity of wind power.The annual development of wind power generation in China and Japan is compared,and the distribution characteristics of wind resources are compared.Furthermore,the market share in China and Japan is introduced.Finally,according to the comparison of the government policies between China and Japan,we pointed out the existing problems in the wind power industry.In addition,we gave some suggestions on the development of wind power for China and Japan.These suggestions should be taken into account when designing national climate policies and have an important reference value for the future development of China’s wind energy industry.展开更多
It is conventional wisdom that policy outcomes within consolidated democracies are based on a compromise between preferences of the general public and those of politicians. However, it is questionable whether these di...It is conventional wisdom that policy outcomes within consolidated democracies are based on a compromise between preferences of the general public and those of politicians. However, it is questionable whether these divergent incentives are truly translated into migration policy, and if so, how that process occurs. By treating actors＇ preference formation process as a causal mechanism, this paper hypothesizes the citizenship regime plays a central role in constructing threat perception harbored by the general public while altering politicians＇ strategic calculations on electorate. Specifically, I argue natives under a jus sanguinis （by ancestry） regime are less welcoming toward migrants, because they are less exposed to an environment where migrants have equivalent social and political rights, fulfilling their duties as full members of the host country. Thus, natives do not re-categorize these initial outsiders as in-group members. Meanwhile, politicians in a jus sanguinis regime have less incentive to enact generous policies toward migrants, because they are excluded from the voting group. In sum, countries adopting this citizenship principle are likely to be less willing to incorporate migrants. This paper uses Japan as a case to trace how this causal mechanism has operated in a country under a strictjus sanguinis principle.展开更多
The adjustment of the Abe administration's foreign policy on China from tension toward détente was achieved through the combination of internal and external factors such as the China School within the Japanes...The adjustment of the Abe administration's foreign policy on China from tension toward détente was achieved through the combination of internal and external factors such as the China School within the Japanese ruling coalition, Japan's business community and US economic protectionism. Starting from the promotion of bilateral interaction by means of the China-Japan Ruling Party Exchange Mechanism to discussing the feasibility of China-Japan economic and trade cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI), and influenced by US trade protectionism in particular, the Abe administration decided to implement foreign policy that would ease tensions between China and Japan,claiming that China-Japan relations"has entered the era of coordination from that of competition."The adjustment of the Abe administration's China policy is still tactical, and it remains uncertain whether Japan can adhere to the spirit of the four political documents signed between China and Japan and implement the four-point principled agreement they reached.展开更多
In 1931, Japan launched the Sept. 18th attack against China. Ever since, there have been many different views over the origin of Japan＇s road toward war, which mostly concern with Japan＇s land policy. This paper hol...In 1931, Japan launched the Sept. 18th attack against China. Ever since, there have been many different views over the origin of Japan＇s road toward war, which mostly concern with Japan＇s land policy. This paper holds that Japan＇s land policy was an evolving one and it transformed along the change of its supporters and implementers during different stages. It is mostly a contention about the different strategies on Manchuria and Mongol; the northward or the southward advance faction; the orientations of the radical military occupation or the moderate economic occupation. Interestingly, the development of Japan＇s postwar policy toward China, especially in the recent years, resembles the evolvement of Japan＇s land policy in the 19th century. They both show tendency from the economic effort to the military activity.展开更多
文摘The nuclear disaster at Fukushima has raised questions about the nature of democratic policymaking in Japan. Focusing on nuclear policymaking post-Fukushima, this paper considers ways in which the diversity of public opinion can be connected with legislative processes. The disaster forced the government to rethink existing nuclear policies. To infuse public voices into government policy, the Democratic Party of Japan （DPJ） government introduced a new method of public participation called ＂national debates＂, comprising a series of public hearings, mass public comments, and deliberative polling. The government also attached importance to anti-nuclear rallies and opinion polls conducted by the media. The national debates highlighted that the majority of Japanese people supported a nuclear-free society; as a result, the government drafted a new energy plan to phase out nuclear power by 2039. Owing to both domestic and international opposition, the plan failed to become law. Progress was also impeded by the public＇s contradictory demands. However, this paper posits that inefficient legislative deliberation was the main factor behind the policy failure. The Japanese case suggests that effective legislative deliberation is crucial to assessing and coordinating numerous divergent public voices.
文摘The paper examines the root causes of Japan＇s rapid shift to foreign policy activism. To explain the causes, I develop the so-called ＂perverse political accountability＂ approach. Specifically, the approach claims that a growing security challenge from China and North Korea, and US policy favoring Japan＇s foreign policy activism structure. Japan＇s domestic political condition that the majority of Japanese people become more conservative and nationalistic. Such shift in the Japanese people＇s preference has been both creating and reinforcing a perverse accountability by which the leaders or parties willing to adopt hard-line foreign policies are better off electorally while the leaders or parties remaining soft-line on foreign affairs are worse off. The perverse accountability not only leads to a severe partisan imbalance between the conservative parties and the leftist parties, but also gives the most conservative party, e.g., the Liberal Democratic Party （LDP）, a greater chance of coming to office and of pursuing assertive foreign policy they favor. Thus, the perverse accountability is at the center of current Japan＇s turn to foreign policy activism. This finding contributes to an enhanced understanding for Japan＇s shift to assertive foreign policy.
文摘China-Japan Relationship is a very special bilateral tie in international relations since it＇s a matter of regional peace and stability. The Abe administration has long pursued a ＂bet-hedging＂ strategy towards China. Although it claims that it attaches great importance to the ties between Japan and China, it pursues ＂Strategic Diplomacy＂ and ＂Value-oriented Diplomacy＂ to hype up the so-called ＂China Threat＂ in international community. It not only makes China-Japan relations to continuously fall into a vicious circle of＂repeated deterioration＂, but also become an uncertainty for peace and stability in East Asia and the regional security. In addition, it reflects the ＂diplomacy dilemma＂ of the Abe administration＇s China policy.
基金This paper is part of a project he chaired,Studies on the Building of the Belt and Road and China's Neighborhood Diplomacy,which was funded by National Social Science Fund Project 2017010186.
文摘The China-Japan relationship has swung between deterioration and improvement in the 21st century while Japanese leaders'cognition and Japanese public opinion remain operative at a deep level.The return of the bilateral relationship in 2018 to the normal development track was aided by Japan's shift toward coordination,China's re-shaped policy,and a boost by the Trump administration.Though the China-Japan relationship will continue improving in the short run,it is unlikely“deterioratiomimprovcment”cycles will end since too many glaring structural contradictions exist.While memories of their intense history and today's territorial issues linger,the fluctuation of Japan*s diplomatic options and weak Japanese public opinion for improved relations with China will continue the same cyclical,but not forward,momentum.
文摘China has abundant wind energy resources and huge development potential among developing countries.Japan is a developed country that planned to increase the use of renewable energy,especially wind energy.This research is aimed at reviewing the development of wind power and relevant policies between China and Japan.Firstly,we introduced the current status of global wind power development,such as the global installed capacity of wind power.The annual development of wind power generation in China and Japan is compared,and the distribution characteristics of wind resources are compared.Furthermore,the market share in China and Japan is introduced.Finally,according to the comparison of the government policies between China and Japan,we pointed out the existing problems in the wind power industry.In addition,we gave some suggestions on the development of wind power for China and Japan.These suggestions should be taken into account when designing national climate policies and have an important reference value for the future development of China’s wind energy industry.
文摘It is conventional wisdom that policy outcomes within consolidated democracies are based on a compromise between preferences of the general public and those of politicians. However, it is questionable whether these divergent incentives are truly translated into migration policy, and if so, how that process occurs. By treating actors＇ preference formation process as a causal mechanism, this paper hypothesizes the citizenship regime plays a central role in constructing threat perception harbored by the general public while altering politicians＇ strategic calculations on electorate. Specifically, I argue natives under a jus sanguinis （by ancestry） regime are less welcoming toward migrants, because they are less exposed to an environment where migrants have equivalent social and political rights, fulfilling their duties as full members of the host country. Thus, natives do not re-categorize these initial outsiders as in-group members. Meanwhile, politicians in a jus sanguinis regime have less incentive to enact generous policies toward migrants, because they are excluded from the voting group. In sum, countries adopting this citizenship principle are likely to be less willing to incorporate migrants. This paper uses Japan as a case to trace how this causal mechanism has operated in a country under a strictjus sanguinis principle.
基金a part of the outcome of the CASS Innovation Project"Japan’s Foreign Strategy and China-Japan Relations"(No. GJ08-2017-SCX-2974)
文摘The adjustment of the Abe administration's foreign policy on China from tension toward détente was achieved through the combination of internal and external factors such as the China School within the Japanese ruling coalition, Japan's business community and US economic protectionism. Starting from the promotion of bilateral interaction by means of the China-Japan Ruling Party Exchange Mechanism to discussing the feasibility of China-Japan economic and trade cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI), and influenced by US trade protectionism in particular, the Abe administration decided to implement foreign policy that would ease tensions between China and Japan,claiming that China-Japan relations"has entered the era of coordination from that of competition."The adjustment of the Abe administration's China policy is still tactical, and it remains uncertain whether Japan can adhere to the spirit of the four political documents signed between China and Japan and implement the four-point principled agreement they reached.
文摘In 1931, Japan launched the Sept. 18th attack against China. Ever since, there have been many different views over the origin of Japan＇s road toward war, which mostly concern with Japan＇s land policy. This paper holds that Japan＇s land policy was an evolving one and it transformed along the change of its supporters and implementers during different stages. It is mostly a contention about the different strategies on Manchuria and Mongol; the northward or the southward advance faction; the orientations of the radical military occupation or the moderate economic occupation. Interestingly, the development of Japan＇s postwar policy toward China, especially in the recent years, resembles the evolvement of Japan＇s land policy in the 19th century. They both show tendency from the economic effort to the military activity.
