Research on environmental behaviour is often overlooked in literature on regime destabilization in energy transitions.This study addresses that gap by focusing on socio-political and demographic factors shaping suppor...Research on environmental behaviour is often overlooked in literature on regime destabilization in energy transitions.This study addresses that gap by focusing on socio-political and demographic factors shaping support for carbon regime destabilization policies in one of the most carbon-intensive regions of Europe.Carbon-intensive industries,especially coal mining and coal-based power generation,are often concentrated in a few carbon-intensive regions.Therefore,decarbonization actions will affect those regions particularly strongly.Correspondingly,carbon-intensive regions often exert significant political influence on the two climate mitigation policies at the national level.Focusing on Poland,we investigate socio-political and demographic factors that correlate with the approval or rejection of the two climate mitigation policies:increasing taxes on fossil fuels such as oil,gas,and coal and using public money to subsidize renewable energy such as wind and solar power in Poland and its carbon-intensive Silesia region.Using logistic regression with individual-level data derived from the 2016 European Social Survey(ESS)and the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey(CHES),we find partypolitical ideology to be an important predictor at the national level but much less so at the regional level.Specifically,voting for right-wing party is not a divisive factor for individual support of the two climate mitigation policies either nationally or regionally.More interestingly,populism is a strong factor in support of increasing taxes on fossil fuel in the carbon-intensive Silesia region but is less important concerning in support of using public money to subsidize renewable energy in Poland overall.These results show the heterogeneity of right-wing party and populism within the support for the two climate mitigation policies.Socio-demographic factors,especially age,gender,education level,employment status,and employment sector,have even more complex and heterogeneous components in support of the two climate mitigation policies at the national and regional levels.Identifying the complex socio-political and demographic factors of climate mitigation policies across different national versus carbon-intensive regional contexts is an essential step for generating in situ decarbonization strategies.展开更多
A potential global power transition characterized by emerging economies of BRICS where China is the likely leading contender against the United States as the only global hegemon seems inevitable.The increasingly multi...A potential global power transition characterized by emerging economies of BRICS where China is the likely leading contender against the United States as the only global hegemon seems inevitable.The increasingly multipolar world is evidenced by the attention given to right-wing populism in Europe and USA attributed to China’s aggressive approach to international trade through its stealth entry and subsequent investments in global political-economy.China’s presence in Africa and Trump’s America first policy’s attempt to open“new business frontiers”in emerging economies of Asia and Africa in order to contain Chinese influence and threat in global hegemony are interesting happenstances that require closer scrutiny.Kenya,the biggest economy in East Africa,which is among the fastest growing regions globally,is the gateway to the East African Common Market.Historically,Kenya has a policy of non-alignment in international relations making it possible to receive FDI from both China and the US but with highly contested elections.Therefore,Kenya presents a perfect laboratory for examining the emerging power-shift in global political-economy as the country grapples with traditionally chaotic electoral power transitions and the two biggest economies in the world compete for business in Nairobi.The 2017 elections not only betrayed the international community’s commitment to Western values of human rights and democracy,but also revealed the challenges of governance in post-World War II global liberalism characterized by sophisticated media institutional spaces.展开更多
According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideolog...According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideology currently exists in American society to perpetuate this behavior?This paper explores the impact of conservatism and religious ideology to anti-gay prejudice in public schools.The paper presents a model of an intergroup program using prevention of harassment,bullying and rejection to gay members of the student body by attempting a change in attitudes regarding gay students.It also provides recommendations for school administrators and teachers for confronting these challenges in public education.展开更多
2017 is an election year for Europe,also a year on which hinges the destiny of Europe.In view of the general rise of right-wing populist parties in the EU,there have been concerns if another'black swan'would f...2017 is an election year for Europe,also a year on which hinges the destiny of Europe.In view of the general rise of right-wing populist parties in the EU,there have been concerns if another'black swan'would fly out of the general elections of the Netherland,France and Germany.To date,the Dutch and French展开更多
In this paper,I examine the Twitter accounts of right-wing extremist groups(RWEGs)in India,arguing that the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is central to the narratives of Hindu supremacist groups.The abjectif...In this paper,I examine the Twitter accounts of right-wing extremist groups(RWEGs)in India,arguing that the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is central to the narratives of Hindu supremacist groups.The abjectification process on Twitter serves as a rhetorical device to:a)criticize and problematize Muslim masculinities;b)idealize and glorify Hindu and white masculinities;c)promote Hindu and white masculine nationalist projects;and d)unify Hindu supremacists against Muslim others.By analyzing the gender ideologies expressed implicitly or explicitly on the Twitter accounts of RWEGs,and using the“Love Jihad”conspiracy case as a focal point,I demonstrate how the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is constructed in opposition to the idealized Hindu masculinities.This study highlights the intersection of gender and nationalism in the digital discourse of Hindu supremacist groups,offering insights into the mechanisms through which social media platforms are used to reinforce and propagate Islamophobic ideologies.展开更多
基金funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under grant agreement No:884539“Carbon Intensive Regions in Transition-Unravelling the Challenges of Structural Change(CINTRAN)”。
文摘Research on environmental behaviour is often overlooked in literature on regime destabilization in energy transitions.This study addresses that gap by focusing on socio-political and demographic factors shaping support for carbon regime destabilization policies in one of the most carbon-intensive regions of Europe.Carbon-intensive industries,especially coal mining and coal-based power generation,are often concentrated in a few carbon-intensive regions.Therefore,decarbonization actions will affect those regions particularly strongly.Correspondingly,carbon-intensive regions often exert significant political influence on the two climate mitigation policies at the national level.Focusing on Poland,we investigate socio-political and demographic factors that correlate with the approval or rejection of the two climate mitigation policies:increasing taxes on fossil fuels such as oil,gas,and coal and using public money to subsidize renewable energy such as wind and solar power in Poland and its carbon-intensive Silesia region.Using logistic regression with individual-level data derived from the 2016 European Social Survey(ESS)and the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey(CHES),we find partypolitical ideology to be an important predictor at the national level but much less so at the regional level.Specifically,voting for right-wing party is not a divisive factor for individual support of the two climate mitigation policies either nationally or regionally.More interestingly,populism is a strong factor in support of increasing taxes on fossil fuel in the carbon-intensive Silesia region but is less important concerning in support of using public money to subsidize renewable energy in Poland overall.These results show the heterogeneity of right-wing party and populism within the support for the two climate mitigation policies.Socio-demographic factors,especially age,gender,education level,employment status,and employment sector,have even more complex and heterogeneous components in support of the two climate mitigation policies at the national and regional levels.Identifying the complex socio-political and demographic factors of climate mitigation policies across different national versus carbon-intensive regional contexts is an essential step for generating in situ decarbonization strategies.
文摘A potential global power transition characterized by emerging economies of BRICS where China is the likely leading contender against the United States as the only global hegemon seems inevitable.The increasingly multipolar world is evidenced by the attention given to right-wing populism in Europe and USA attributed to China’s aggressive approach to international trade through its stealth entry and subsequent investments in global political-economy.China’s presence in Africa and Trump’s America first policy’s attempt to open“new business frontiers”in emerging economies of Asia and Africa in order to contain Chinese influence and threat in global hegemony are interesting happenstances that require closer scrutiny.Kenya,the biggest economy in East Africa,which is among the fastest growing regions globally,is the gateway to the East African Common Market.Historically,Kenya has a policy of non-alignment in international relations making it possible to receive FDI from both China and the US but with highly contested elections.Therefore,Kenya presents a perfect laboratory for examining the emerging power-shift in global political-economy as the country grapples with traditionally chaotic electoral power transitions and the two biggest economies in the world compete for business in Nairobi.The 2017 elections not only betrayed the international community’s commitment to Western values of human rights and democracy,but also revealed the challenges of governance in post-World War II global liberalism characterized by sophisticated media institutional spaces.
文摘According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideology currently exists in American society to perpetuate this behavior?This paper explores the impact of conservatism and religious ideology to anti-gay prejudice in public schools.The paper presents a model of an intergroup program using prevention of harassment,bullying and rejection to gay members of the student body by attempting a change in attitudes regarding gay students.It also provides recommendations for school administrators and teachers for confronting these challenges in public education.
文摘2017 is an election year for Europe,also a year on which hinges the destiny of Europe.In view of the general rise of right-wing populist parties in the EU,there have been concerns if another'black swan'would fly out of the general elections of the Netherland,France and Germany.To date,the Dutch and French
文摘In this paper,I examine the Twitter accounts of right-wing extremist groups(RWEGs)in India,arguing that the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is central to the narratives of Hindu supremacist groups.The abjectification process on Twitter serves as a rhetorical device to:a)criticize and problematize Muslim masculinities;b)idealize and glorify Hindu and white masculinities;c)promote Hindu and white masculine nationalist projects;and d)unify Hindu supremacists against Muslim others.By analyzing the gender ideologies expressed implicitly or explicitly on the Twitter accounts of RWEGs,and using the“Love Jihad”conspiracy case as a focal point,I demonstrate how the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is constructed in opposition to the idealized Hindu masculinities.This study highlights the intersection of gender and nationalism in the digital discourse of Hindu supremacist groups,offering insights into the mechanisms through which social media platforms are used to reinforce and propagate Islamophobic ideologies.
