China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shang...China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)was established in 2001,China,as one of its major founders,had attempted to use the SCO as a platform for influence beyond its borders.This paper aims to investigate China’s growing influence and diplomatic prowess through the SCO.展开更多
The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-ec...The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-economic patterns of the world.India,given the nature of its interests and ambitions in Asia,would have serious misgivings about any Eurasian project that would bring the Gulf and Central Asia into a single institutional framework.India is aware that at the global level,it is the weakest of the four global players,namely,the US,Russia,China,and India.In this context,India appears to be pursuing diplomacy along two parallel axes simultaneously:to balance China in the Indo-Pacific region with American support and assistance and to balance China in Eurasia with Russian support and assistance.This article also focuses on the nature of India’s bilateral relations with China,Pakistan,Russia,the US,and the EU to gauge India’s attitude toward the SCO’s further expansion westwards.While India may welcome Iran into the fold of the SCO for geo-economic reasons,it may not be too keen on Saudi Arabia and the GCC membership in the SCO.In economic terms,India may prefer a dense network of economic collaboration and cooperation activities with other states and regional entities,as the SCO looks further west,rather than absorbing them into the SCO’s fold.In security terms,India will probably try to direct the SCO efforts towards dealing with nonconventional threats like terrorism,energy security,and environmental protection rather than developing conventional military capabilities and doctrines,which could be perceived as anti-NATO.展开更多
Facing common security threats, leaders of six countries-Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan-established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in June 2001 to maintain regional stability a...Facing common security threats, leaders of six countries-Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan-established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in June 2001 to maintain regional stability and security, fight terrorism and extremism, prevent conflicts and enhance economic cooperation. The SCO's primary goals are economic cooperation and fighting terrorism.展开更多
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SOC), made up of six member countries, is reinventing itself and banding together to deal with the region's security and economic development. Operating under the "Shang...The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SOC), made up of six member countries, is reinventing itself and banding together to deal with the region's security and economic development. Operating under the "Shanghai Spirit"-the essence of state-to-state relations where trust and equality are key to members looking out for each other-questions need to be asked and answered at the organization's fifth anniversary. Despite the best intentions, a clear road map is needed to clarify the SCO's future.展开更多
On June 15,2001, the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization was signed, marking the formal launch of the regional organization. Its history can be traced back to 19% when Russia, Chi...On June 15,2001, the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization was signed, marking the formal launch of the regional organization. Its history can be traced back to 19% when Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan formed the Shanghai Five, later renamed the Shanghai Forum. After Uzbekistan joined, the forum changed展开更多
June 14-15, 2001-The first Shanghai Cooperation Organization-(SCO) summit is held in Shanghai, involving the presidents of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The six leaders issued a joi...June 14-15, 2001-The first Shanghai Cooperation Organization-(SCO) summit is held in Shanghai, involving the presidents of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The six leaders issued a joint statement that announced Uzbekistan's participation in the "Shanghai Five," the launch of the SCO and the Shanghai treaty to crack down on terrorism, separatism and extremism.展开更多
Turkey’s energy policy has attracted a growing scholarly interest.In line with this tendency,this article aims at the assessment of Turkey’s energy relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO).As the SC...Turkey’s energy policy has attracted a growing scholarly interest.In line with this tendency,this article aims at the assessment of Turkey’s energy relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO).As the SCO has appeared more frequently in Turkish foreign policy discourse in the recent years,it can be considered a relevant direction where Turkey’s active energy diplomacy can be assessed.Provided that Turkey’s energy aspirations are predominantly assessed from a Western point of view,the uniqueness of this article is that it combines the study of Turkey’s advancing Eastern relations and its energy policy endeavours.A central argument in this article is about the existing number of energy connections established between Turkey and the member states,observers and dialogue partners of SCO,which overwhelmingly operate at the bilateral level,while the energy framework of the SCO is yet to be filled with multilateral meaning for Turkey.展开更多
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)has withstood storms to create a cooperative platform in Central Asia that conforms to the trend of the times,meets regional needs,and serves its member states’interests.SCO...The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)has withstood storms to create a cooperative platform in Central Asia that conforms to the trend of the times,meets regional needs,and serves its member states’interests.SCO’s commitment to innovative thinking,security cooperation and regional coordination has contributed to regional stability and development and to gaining experience for establishing regional and global order.China-Russia cooperation,efforts by the“Shanghai Five,”relations among member states,and external pressure have been the main driving forces supporting a huge increase in trade in the past 20 years.For regional development and stability and a greater role in global governance,the SCO should continue taking the long-term perspective in planning and policy.展开更多
China’s path to becoming a strong trade power can be divided into three levels:the micro level of promoting factor cultivation,the meso level of achieving industrial dominance,and the macro level of participating in ...China’s path to becoming a strong trade power can be divided into three levels:the micro level of promoting factor cultivation,the meso level of achieving industrial dominance,and the macro level of participating in the establishment of the world system.As a feature of globalization,factor flow is the foundation and key to achieve the above three-level goals.In the first stage of reform and opening-up,China complied with the globalization characteristics of factor flow and gathered a large number of capital factors.It is now the second stage of reform and opening-up;that is,the stage of export-oriented investment.International investment may help in the path to become a strong trade power,or it may become an obstacle.The maximization of benefits and evasion of disadvantages are influenced by the grasp of investment risks.Therefore,special attention should be paid to identifying potential risks and controlling risks.展开更多
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substa...The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East,including the US military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti,Iraq,Kuwait,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,the UAE,Bahrain and Oman;the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain;the French military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti and the UAE.In comparison,SCO is a political bloc,whose members are at a low level of military integration.Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,China has logistics base in Djibouti;India has military presence in Tajikistan.The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality,while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities.The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia,while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf.While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened,Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic,political and social problems and interstate conflict.In the light of this,the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.展开更多
The rise in religious extremism is highly documented,but not well understood.The most frequently cited explanations are economic and sociological.However,the specific role of religion has received far less attention a...The rise in religious extremism is highly documented,but not well understood.The most frequently cited explanations are economic and sociological.However,the specific role of religion has received far less attention and is often glossed within social-scientific analysis.The aim of this paper is to elucidate the rise of religious ideology in pre-modern Indian Muslim thought and to draw attention to the importance of religious narratives in causing and possibly resolving violent religious extremism in Southwest Asia.This historic setting,more than any other,informs the trajectory of competing religious expressions of Islam.Two positions are considered because of their polar responses to similar phenomenon.These proceed from the same school of thought,and overlap considerably in the use of interpretative methodologies,yet they articulate radically different visions for fidelity to Islam.One has been used to legitimize and mobilize extremist violence in order to establish a righteous society,the other to advocate for a pluralistic participation with the secular state.Their shared roots allow for a juxtaposition that allows for a cursory description of the challenges faced within the Muslim community to retain fidelity to some most cherished values.It is argued that within the Muslim religious intellectual tradition there are ample resources to support a dynamic and pluralistic society.The identification and promotion of these values is essential to halting the spread of violent extremism.Interventions need to promote proponents of this narrative and avoid practices that further alienate and limit the natural outworking of this dialogue within Muslim communities.展开更多
How symmetrical are Turkey and China despite the obvious differences in size and resources?And how are these reflected in their relations?The interface between symmetries and mutual relations is investigated through(1...How symmetrical are Turkey and China despite the obvious differences in size and resources?And how are these reflected in their relations?The interface between symmetries and mutual relations is investigated through(1)economy and trade and(2)international relations.The best arena for developing closer relations is Eurasia,specifically through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.The possibility of a Sino-Turkish axis of diplomacy would complement their wider security memberships and even bridge them.This represents a cooperative regional dynamic in which Turkey and China might participate more closely.展开更多
文摘China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)was established in 2001,China,as one of its major founders,had attempted to use the SCO as a platform for influence beyond its borders.This paper aims to investigate China’s growing influence and diplomatic prowess through the SCO.
文摘The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-economic patterns of the world.India,given the nature of its interests and ambitions in Asia,would have serious misgivings about any Eurasian project that would bring the Gulf and Central Asia into a single institutional framework.India is aware that at the global level,it is the weakest of the four global players,namely,the US,Russia,China,and India.In this context,India appears to be pursuing diplomacy along two parallel axes simultaneously:to balance China in the Indo-Pacific region with American support and assistance and to balance China in Eurasia with Russian support and assistance.This article also focuses on the nature of India’s bilateral relations with China,Pakistan,Russia,the US,and the EU to gauge India’s attitude toward the SCO’s further expansion westwards.While India may welcome Iran into the fold of the SCO for geo-economic reasons,it may not be too keen on Saudi Arabia and the GCC membership in the SCO.In economic terms,India may prefer a dense network of economic collaboration and cooperation activities with other states and regional entities,as the SCO looks further west,rather than absorbing them into the SCO’s fold.In security terms,India will probably try to direct the SCO efforts towards dealing with nonconventional threats like terrorism,energy security,and environmental protection rather than developing conventional military capabilities and doctrines,which could be perceived as anti-NATO.
文摘Facing common security threats, leaders of six countries-Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan-established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in June 2001 to maintain regional stability and security, fight terrorism and extremism, prevent conflicts and enhance economic cooperation. The SCO's primary goals are economic cooperation and fighting terrorism.
文摘The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SOC), made up of six member countries, is reinventing itself and banding together to deal with the region's security and economic development. Operating under the "Shanghai Spirit"-the essence of state-to-state relations where trust and equality are key to members looking out for each other-questions need to be asked and answered at the organization's fifth anniversary. Despite the best intentions, a clear road map is needed to clarify the SCO's future.
文摘On June 15,2001, the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization was signed, marking the formal launch of the regional organization. Its history can be traced back to 19% when Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan formed the Shanghai Five, later renamed the Shanghai Forum. After Uzbekistan joined, the forum changed
文摘June 14-15, 2001-The first Shanghai Cooperation Organization-(SCO) summit is held in Shanghai, involving the presidents of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The six leaders issued a joint statement that announced Uzbekistan's participation in the "Shanghai Five," the launch of the SCO and the Shanghai treaty to crack down on terrorism, separatism and extremism.
文摘Turkey’s energy policy has attracted a growing scholarly interest.In line with this tendency,this article aims at the assessment of Turkey’s energy relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO).As the SCO has appeared more frequently in Turkish foreign policy discourse in the recent years,it can be considered a relevant direction where Turkey’s active energy diplomacy can be assessed.Provided that Turkey’s energy aspirations are predominantly assessed from a Western point of view,the uniqueness of this article is that it combines the study of Turkey’s advancing Eastern relations and its energy policy endeavours.A central argument in this article is about the existing number of energy connections established between Turkey and the member states,observers and dialogue partners of SCO,which overwhelmingly operate at the bilateral level,while the energy framework of the SCO is yet to be filled with multilateral meaning for Turkey.
文摘The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)has withstood storms to create a cooperative platform in Central Asia that conforms to the trend of the times,meets regional needs,and serves its member states’interests.SCO’s commitment to innovative thinking,security cooperation and regional coordination has contributed to regional stability and development and to gaining experience for establishing regional and global order.China-Russia cooperation,efforts by the“Shanghai Five,”relations among member states,and external pressure have been the main driving forces supporting a huge increase in trade in the past 20 years.For regional development and stability and a greater role in global governance,the SCO should continue taking the long-term perspective in planning and policy.
基金the phased achievement of the 2020 China-SCO International Judicial Exchange and Cooperation Training Base Research Fund Project,“Research on the Risk and Avoidance of China’s Direct Investment in SCO Countries”(Project Number:20SHJD025)the subproject of the Discipline Construction Project of the School of Economics and Management of Shanghai University of Political Science and Law in 2021(Project Number:GH21004)+1 种基金that is,the phased achievement of the Economic Security Discipline Construction Project of Shanghai University of Political Science and Law,“Analysis on the Security and Liquidity of China’s Outbound Investment”and the phased achievement of the 2014 Youth Scientific Research Fund Project of Shanghai University of Political Science and Law(Fourth Batch),“Factor Flow and Construction of Silk Road Economic Belt”(Project Number:2014XQN27).
文摘China’s path to becoming a strong trade power can be divided into three levels:the micro level of promoting factor cultivation,the meso level of achieving industrial dominance,and the macro level of participating in the establishment of the world system.As a feature of globalization,factor flow is the foundation and key to achieve the above three-level goals.In the first stage of reform and opening-up,China complied with the globalization characteristics of factor flow and gathered a large number of capital factors.It is now the second stage of reform and opening-up;that is,the stage of export-oriented investment.International investment may help in the path to become a strong trade power,or it may become an obstacle.The maximization of benefits and evasion of disadvantages are influenced by the grasp of investment risks.Therefore,special attention should be paid to identifying potential risks and controlling risks.
基金The authors are indebted to China’s Ministry of Education program“Theoretical and Empirical Studies of China’s Participation in the Middle East Security Affairs”(16JJDGJW011)to the“Shu Guang”Project of Shanghai Municipal Education Commission and Shanghai Education Development Foundation(15SG29).
文摘The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East,including the US military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti,Iraq,Kuwait,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,the UAE,Bahrain and Oman;the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain;the French military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti and the UAE.In comparison,SCO is a political bloc,whose members are at a low level of military integration.Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,China has logistics base in Djibouti;India has military presence in Tajikistan.The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality,while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities.The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia,while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf.While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened,Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic,political and social problems and interstate conflict.In the light of this,the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.
文摘The rise in religious extremism is highly documented,but not well understood.The most frequently cited explanations are economic and sociological.However,the specific role of religion has received far less attention and is often glossed within social-scientific analysis.The aim of this paper is to elucidate the rise of religious ideology in pre-modern Indian Muslim thought and to draw attention to the importance of religious narratives in causing and possibly resolving violent religious extremism in Southwest Asia.This historic setting,more than any other,informs the trajectory of competing religious expressions of Islam.Two positions are considered because of their polar responses to similar phenomenon.These proceed from the same school of thought,and overlap considerably in the use of interpretative methodologies,yet they articulate radically different visions for fidelity to Islam.One has been used to legitimize and mobilize extremist violence in order to establish a righteous society,the other to advocate for a pluralistic participation with the secular state.Their shared roots allow for a juxtaposition that allows for a cursory description of the challenges faced within the Muslim community to retain fidelity to some most cherished values.It is argued that within the Muslim religious intellectual tradition there are ample resources to support a dynamic and pluralistic society.The identification and promotion of these values is essential to halting the spread of violent extremism.Interventions need to promote proponents of this narrative and avoid practices that further alienate and limit the natural outworking of this dialogue within Muslim communities.
文摘How symmetrical are Turkey and China despite the obvious differences in size and resources?And how are these reflected in their relations?The interface between symmetries and mutual relations is investigated through(1)economy and trade and(2)international relations.The best arena for developing closer relations is Eurasia,specifically through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.The possibility of a Sino-Turkish axis of diplomacy would complement their wider security memberships and even bridge them.This represents a cooperative regional dynamic in which Turkey and China might participate more closely.