China’s Regional and Global Policy Through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

China,as a new global power,is expanding its influence across the globe and regions through various strategies and means,including regional and global organizations,in the post-Cold War era.As a result,since the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)was established in 2001,China,as one of its major founders,had attempted to use the SCO as a platform for influence beyond its borders.This paper aims to investigate China’s growing influence and diplomatic prowess through the SCO.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Opportunities and Challenges

Founded on June 15,2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a new-type regional cooperation

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization （SCO）： Prospects and Problems in Russia-China Relations

After the collapse of Soviet Union, both Russia and China started to normalize their bilateral relations. Russia lost her geopolitical sphere and China started to broaden his influence in Asian-Pacific and Central Asian regions. The function of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization （SCO） is changing from symbolic to more substantial cooperation. It seems to be that the SCO plays multiple roles in Russia-China relations both in anti-terrorism and in energy economy. This paper is devoted to exploring the functions of the SCO and to seeing the problems in furthering Russia-China relations

Empirical Analysis of Xinjiang's Bilateral Trade: Gravity Model Approach

Based on the basic trade gravity model and Xinjiang's practical situation, new explanatory variables (GDP, GDPpc and SCO) are introduced to build an extended trade gravity model fitting for Xinjiang's bilateral trade. From the empirical analysis of this model, it is proposed that those three variables affect the Xinjiang's bilateral trade posi- tively. Whereas, geographic distance is found to be a significant factor influencing Xinjiang’s bilateral trade negatively. Then, by the extended trade gravity model, this article analyzes the present trade situation between Xinjiang and its main trade partners quantitatively in 2004. The results indicate that Xinjiang cooperates with its most trade partners successfully in terms of present economic scale and developing level. Xinjiang has established successfully trade part- nership with Central Asia, Central Europe and Eastern Europe, Western Europe, East Asia and South Asia. However, the foreign trade development with West Asia is much slower. Finally, some suggestions on developing Xinjiang's for- eign trade are put forward.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Gulf: Will India Prefer a Further Westward Expansion of the SCO or its Consolidation?

The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-economic patterns of the world.India,given the nature of its interests and ambitions in Asia,would have serious misgivings about any Eurasian project that would bring the Gulf and Central Asia into a single institutional framework.India is aware that at the global level,it is the weakest of the four global players,namely,the US,Russia,China,and India.In this context,India appears to be pursuing diplomacy along two parallel axes simultaneously:to balance China in the Indo-Pacific region with American support and assistance and to balance China in Eurasia with Russian support and assistance.This article also focuses on the nature of India’s bilateral relations with China,Pakistan,Russia,the US,and the EU to gauge India’s attitude toward the SCO’s further expansion westwards.While India may welcome Iran into the fold of the SCO for geo-economic reasons,it may not be too keen on Saudi Arabia and the GCC membership in the SCO.In economic terms,India may prefer a dense network of economic collaboration and cooperation activities with other states and regional entities,as the SCO looks further west,rather than absorbing them into the SCO’s fold.In security terms,India will probably try to direct the SCO efforts towards dealing with nonconventional threats like terrorism,energy security,and environmental protection rather than developing conventional military capabilities and doctrines,which could be perceived as anti-NATO.

MEMBER PRIVILEGES——Each of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization members finds its own national interests served within the regional organization

Facing common security threats, leaders of six countries-Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan-established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in June 2001 to maintain regional stability and security, fight terrorism and extremism, prevent conflicts and enhance economic cooperation. The SCO's primary goals are economic cooperation and fighting terrorism.

20 Years of the SCO:Development,Experience and Future Direction

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)has withstood storms to create a cooperative platform in Central Asia that conforms to the trend of the times,meets regional needs,and serves its member states’interests.SCO’s commitment to innovative thinking,security cooperation and regional coordination has contributed to regional stability and development and to gaining experience for establishing regional and global order.China-Russia cooperation,efforts by the“Shanghai Five,”relations among member states,and external pressure have been the main driving forces supporting a huge increase in trade in the past 20 years.For regional development and stability and a greater role in global governance,the SCO should continue taking the long-term perspective in planning and policy.

WHERE IS THE SCO HEADING?——The Shanghai Cooperation Organization should clearly define its political characteristics and functions

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SOC), made up of six member countries, is reinventing itself and banding together to deal with the region's security and economic development. Operating under the "Shanghai Spirit"-the essence of state-to-state relations where trust and equality are key to members looking out for each other-questions need to be asked and answered at the organization's fifth anniversary. Despite the best intentions, a clear road map is needed to clarify the SCO's future.

Global Dynamics of the China Dream and Possible Turkish-China Partnership on a New Silk Road to Renaissance by 2023

Turkey and China are two ancient civilizations with historic links in blood-line, trade, and strategic thinking. At the beginning of the 21st century, both countries are at the crossroads of an epochal shift of world gravitas from the West to the East and from the advanced to the developing countries. China is set to overtake the United States as the world＇s largest economy probably within this decade. Under President XI Jinping, the country is pursuing a China Dream of renaissance in the coming years, harking back to China＇s glorious past. This resonates well with Turkey＇s ambition to achieve a similar goal by the hundredth anniversary of Ataturk in 2023. The horizon for cooperation is full of exciting possibilities, including high-speed rail from China＇s industrial seaboard passing through Turkey to the seaports in Western Europe; a customs-free expressway from the Western border of China through Kazakhstan and Belarus to Amsterdam; linking Bosphorus to China＇s world-leading container ports; investments in telecommunications and mining in the Central Asia region; partnership in a host of African ＂special economic zones＂ being managed by China; and capitalizing on the internationalization of the RMB, the Chinese yuan, to grow Istanbul to a world-class financial centre. In the light of these and other opportunities, there is no reason why areas of possible divergence between the two countries cannot be adequately managed. These include Turkey＇s cultural links with the Uyghur ＂separatists＂ in China＇s Xinjiang Province, membership of US- dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization （NATO）, and different approaches to international conflicts such as Syria. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization （SCO）, in which China is playing a leading part, may be a strategic theatre where Turkey-China cooperation may be enhanced and their differences minimized. In short, as the tide of history is rapidly turning, Turkey and China are likely to find themselves as serendipitous partners on a New Silk Road to Renaissance in the coming decades.

COOPERATING,WITH COMPLICATIONS——The Shanghai Cooperation Organization still has a long way to go before it can operate effectively

On June 15,2001, the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization was signed, marking the formal launch of the regional organization. Its history can be traced back to 19% when Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan formed the Shanghai Five, later renamed the Shanghai Forum. After Uzbekistan joined, the forum changed

Highlights of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

June 14-15, 2001-The first Shanghai Cooperation Organization-(SCO) summit is held in Shanghai, involving the presidents of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The six leaders issued a joint statement that announced Uzbekistan's participation in the "Shanghai Five," the launch of the SCO and the Shanghai treaty to crack down on terrorism, separatism and extremism.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization on Turkey’s Energy Agenda

Turkey’s energy policy has attracted a growing scholarly interest.In line with this tendency,this article aims at the assessment of Turkey’s energy relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO).As the SCO has appeared more frequently in Turkish foreign policy discourse in the recent years,it can be considered a relevant direction where Turkey’s active energy diplomacy can be assessed.Provided that Turkey’s energy aspirations are predominantly assessed from a Western point of view,the uniqueness of this article is that it combines the study of Turkey’s advancing Eastern relations and its energy policy endeavours.A central argument in this article is about the existing number of energy connections established between Turkey and the member states,observers and dialogue partners of SCO,which overwhelmingly operate at the bilateral level,while the energy framework of the SCO is yet to be filled with multilateral meaning for Turkey.

The Realization of a Strong Trade Power and China’s Direct Investment in SCO Countries

China’s path to becoming a strong trade power can be divided into three levels:the micro level of promoting factor cultivation,the meso level of achieving industrial dominance,and the macro level of participating in the establishment of the world system.As a feature of globalization,factor flow is the foundation and key to achieve the above three-level goals.In the first stage of reform and opening-up,China complied with the globalization characteristics of factor flow and gathered a large number of capital factors.It is now the second stage of reform and opening-up;that is,the stage of export-oriented investment.International investment may help in the path to become a strong trade power,or it may become an obstacle.The maximization of benefits and evasion of disadvantages are influenced by the grasp of investment risks.Therefore,special attention should be paid to identifying potential risks and controlling risks.

NATO vs. SCO: A Comparative Study of Outside Powers’ Military Presence in Central Asia and the Gulf

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East,including the US military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti,Iraq,Kuwait,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,the UAE,Bahrain and Oman;the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain;the French military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti and the UAE.In comparison,SCO is a political bloc,whose members are at a low level of military integration.Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,China has logistics base in Djibouti;India has military presence in Tajikistan.The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality,while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities.The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia,while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf.While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened,Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic,political and social problems and interstate conflict.In the light of this,the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.

An Evolving Bloc

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization （SCO） held its 16th meeting of the Council of Heads of Government in the Russian re- sort city of Sochi from November 30 to December 1. It was the first meeting of its kind since the regional bloc expanded its membership in June to include India and Pakistan. The SCO now has China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan. India and Pakistan as its full members.

Confronting Religious Extremism in the New Silk Web

The rise in religious extremism is highly documented,but not well understood.The most frequently cited explanations are economic and sociological.However,the specific role of religion has received far less attention and is often glossed within social-scientific analysis.The aim of this paper is to elucidate the rise of religious ideology in pre-modern Indian Muslim thought and to draw attention to the importance of religious narratives in causing and possibly resolving violent religious extremism in Southwest Asia.This historic setting,more than any other,informs the trajectory of competing religious expressions of Islam.Two positions are considered because of their polar responses to similar phenomenon.These proceed from the same school of thought,and overlap considerably in the use of interpretative methodologies,yet they articulate radically different visions for fidelity to Islam.One has been used to legitimize and mobilize extremist violence in order to establish a righteous society,the other to advocate for a pluralistic participation with the secular state.Their shared roots allow for a juxtaposition that allows for a cursory description of the challenges faced within the Muslim community to retain fidelity to some most cherished values.It is argued that within the Muslim religious intellectual tradition there are ample resources to support a dynamic and pluralistic society.The identification and promotion of these values is essential to halting the spread of violent extremism.Interventions need to promote proponents of this narrative and avoid practices that further alienate and limit the natural outworking of this dialogue within Muslim communities.