Since the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the United States and Rus-sia have gone through a tortuous road in forging their post-Cold War relation-ship. At present, they are neither bipolar rivals, nor strat...Since the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the United States and Rus-sia have gone through a tortuous road in forging their post-Cold War relation-ship. At present, they are neither bipolar rivals, nor strategic partners as initiatedin early 1990s. They have instead turned from maintaining amicability into copingwith the reality. Their discrepancies in terms of strategies and bilateral relationshave emerged one after another in recent years and became intensified especially af-ter Operation Desert Fox against Iraq by the United States and Britain展开更多
After the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict, Japan wasted no time in advancing its national strategy and actively promoted shuttle diplomacy with the United States(U.S.), Europe, East Asia, and neighboring coun...After the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict, Japan wasted no time in advancing its national strategy and actively promoted shuttle diplomacy with the United States(U.S.), Europe, East Asia, and neighboring countries of Ukraine around sanctions against Russia based on strategic considerations and the goal of maximizing national interests. Japan regarded this conflict as an important opportunity for an international strategic game, in an attempt to move and overturn the postwar international order and reconstruct the new global order with the U.S., Europe, and Japan as the core countries dominating the military, science and technology, and economic spheres. In response to the crisis, Japan made a brief policy adjustment—from the initial hesitation to the imposition of active sanctions and pressure on Russia—to reverse the passive situation on the issue of the Four Northern Islands and weaken Russia’s strength. Japan also took the opportunity to promote the “China threat theory”;strengthen the quadrilateral mechanism between the U.S., Japan, India, and Australia;provoke regional confrontation;and try to gain a new Cold War dividend.展开更多
The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has ...The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has added more uncertainties to thefuture world oil situation.Will the world oil supply and demand change?What impact would this exert on big powers’ oil strategy choices,geopolitics as well as world economy?What should China do in such asituation?To find the answers to these questions,at the invitation of theeditor of the Contemporary International Relations,seven experts fromChina Institute of Contemporary International Relations gathered to have adiscussion in early February this year.Naturally,they have differentviews over many issues.Still,we hope our readers would find theirdiscussion interesting.Following is the list of participants.展开更多
The status of the Third World in Russian foreign policy plummeted in the immediate post-Soviet years, during which Moscow pursued a "Look West" policy. When the design of the West to contain and weaken the c...The status of the Third World in Russian foreign policy plummeted in the immediate post-Soviet years, during which Moscow pursued a "Look West" policy. When the design of the West to contain and weaken the country came to light however, vigilance heightened in Moscow and timely foreign policy readjustments were under way by raising the weight of the Third World.展开更多
Since George W. Bush assumed the presidency in early 2001, a tense situation had occurred in the relationships among world big powers. In the aftermath of September 11,significant improvement has been made in Sino-U.S...Since George W. Bush assumed the presidency in early 2001, a tense situation had occurred in the relationships among world big powers. In the aftermath of September 11,significant improvement has been made in Sino-U.S. and Russia-U. S. relations. In the meantime, corresponding changes have taken place in EU-U. S.and Russia-China relations.展开更多
文摘Since the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, the United States and Rus-sia have gone through a tortuous road in forging their post-Cold War relation-ship. At present, they are neither bipolar rivals, nor strategic partners as initiatedin early 1990s. They have instead turned from maintaining amicability into copingwith the reality. Their discrepancies in terms of strategies and bilateral relationshave emerged one after another in recent years and became intensified especially af-ter Operation Desert Fox against Iraq by the United States and Britain
文摘After the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine conflict, Japan wasted no time in advancing its national strategy and actively promoted shuttle diplomacy with the United States(U.S.), Europe, East Asia, and neighboring countries of Ukraine around sanctions against Russia based on strategic considerations and the goal of maximizing national interests. Japan regarded this conflict as an important opportunity for an international strategic game, in an attempt to move and overturn the postwar international order and reconstruct the new global order with the U.S., Europe, and Japan as the core countries dominating the military, science and technology, and economic spheres. In response to the crisis, Japan made a brief policy adjustment—from the initial hesitation to the imposition of active sanctions and pressure on Russia—to reverse the passive situation on the issue of the Four Northern Islands and weaken Russia’s strength. Japan also took the opportunity to promote the “China threat theory”;strengthen the quadrilateral mechanism between the U.S., Japan, India, and Australia;provoke regional confrontation;and try to gain a new Cold War dividend.
文摘The past two years have witnessed great fluctuations ininternational oil prices,and diplomatic efforts,both above andunder the table,by major powers around this issue.The currenttension in the war-threatened Iraq has added more uncertainties to thefuture world oil situation.Will the world oil supply and demand change?What impact would this exert on big powers’ oil strategy choices,geopolitics as well as world economy?What should China do in such asituation?To find the answers to these questions,at the invitation of theeditor of the Contemporary International Relations,seven experts fromChina Institute of Contemporary International Relations gathered to have adiscussion in early February this year.Naturally,they have differentviews over many issues.Still,we hope our readers would find theirdiscussion interesting.Following is the list of participants.
文摘The status of the Third World in Russian foreign policy plummeted in the immediate post-Soviet years, during which Moscow pursued a "Look West" policy. When the design of the West to contain and weaken the country came to light however, vigilance heightened in Moscow and timely foreign policy readjustments were under way by raising the weight of the Third World.
文摘Since George W. Bush assumed the presidency in early 2001, a tense situation had occurred in the relationships among world big powers. In the aftermath of September 11,significant improvement has been made in Sino-U.S. and Russia-U. S. relations. In the meantime, corresponding changes have taken place in EU-U. S.and Russia-China relations.
