The 2015 elections and swearing of new leadership in Nigeria brought about new promises as well as new policies and strategies. The president elect, Muhammadu Buhari, was quick to indicate his intentions to fight corr...The 2015 elections and swearing of new leadership in Nigeria brought about new promises as well as new policies and strategies. The president elect, Muhammadu Buhari, was quick to indicate his intentions to fight corruption as one of the means through which the government intends to achieve good governance in Nigeria. This intention and follow-up action is like the biblical two-edged sword, cutting off sadness from the lower class while at the same time cutting off happiness from some corrupt people in government. The recent announcement of the whistle blower policy by the Federal Government as another means of fighting corruption in Nigeria brought about an increase in the discovery of hidden/looted money. Relying on primary and secondary findings, based on qualitative and quantitative data the paper examines the potency of the whistle blower policy on corruption. The puzzle： is the policy yielding positive result？ The case provides a strong case to the methodological analysis for both institutional norms to fight corruption and good governance in Nigeria. The thrust of this paper is that, the fight against corruption is a national issue that can be successfully tackled by the citizens. The paper therefore recommends that government and its citizenry come together to fight this malice called corruption.展开更多
This paper examines early nineteenth century legal cases in which Qing jurists had to determine a just way to punish a male offender who had murdered a man in order to defend himself against rape. Earlier, in the eigh...This paper examines early nineteenth century legal cases in which Qing jurists had to determine a just way to punish a male offender who had murdered a man in order to defend himself against rape. Earlier, in the eighteenth century, jurists judging such cases exhibited considerable skepticism that same-sex rape had occurred. They regarded the claim of rape as an excuse offered by the murderer, demanded an extraordinary measure of proof that there had been a rape, and pun- ished the murderers harshly. But over time, as illustrated in model cases gathered together in the Xing＇an huilan ~lj~ or Conspectus of Punishment Cases, various officials pursuing their judicial responsibilities came to acknowledge a broader range of possible circumstances in which same-sex rape might have occurred and hence showed greater leniency to males who claimed to have tour- dered because they had been raped or judicial practice came to a climax in 1825 threatened with rape. This evolution in when the Court of Revision petitioned the Emperor to approve even greater leniency but the Board of Punishments refuted the argument.展开更多
文摘The 2015 elections and swearing of new leadership in Nigeria brought about new promises as well as new policies and strategies. The president elect, Muhammadu Buhari, was quick to indicate his intentions to fight corruption as one of the means through which the government intends to achieve good governance in Nigeria. This intention and follow-up action is like the biblical two-edged sword, cutting off sadness from the lower class while at the same time cutting off happiness from some corrupt people in government. The recent announcement of the whistle blower policy by the Federal Government as another means of fighting corruption in Nigeria brought about an increase in the discovery of hidden/looted money. Relying on primary and secondary findings, based on qualitative and quantitative data the paper examines the potency of the whistle blower policy on corruption. The puzzle： is the policy yielding positive result？ The case provides a strong case to the methodological analysis for both institutional norms to fight corruption and good governance in Nigeria. The thrust of this paper is that, the fight against corruption is a national issue that can be successfully tackled by the citizens. The paper therefore recommends that government and its citizenry come together to fight this malice called corruption.
文摘This paper examines early nineteenth century legal cases in which Qing jurists had to determine a just way to punish a male offender who had murdered a man in order to defend himself against rape. Earlier, in the eighteenth century, jurists judging such cases exhibited considerable skepticism that same-sex rape had occurred. They regarded the claim of rape as an excuse offered by the murderer, demanded an extraordinary measure of proof that there had been a rape, and pun- ished the murderers harshly. But over time, as illustrated in model cases gathered together in the Xing＇an huilan ~lj~ or Conspectus of Punishment Cases, various officials pursuing their judicial responsibilities came to acknowledge a broader range of possible circumstances in which same-sex rape might have occurred and hence showed greater leniency to males who claimed to have tour- dered because they had been raped or judicial practice came to a climax in 1825 threatened with rape. This evolution in when the Court of Revision petitioned the Emperor to approve even greater leniency but the Board of Punishments refuted the argument.
