While professional associations connected to higher education such as the American Association of University Professors fought to defend its members against the anti-communism of the 1950s, evidence suggests that teac...While professional associations connected to higher education such as the American Association of University Professors fought to defend its members against the anti-communism of the 1950s, evidence suggests that teachers＇ unions failed in this role. Drawing upon the archival records and publications of the American Federation of Teachers and National Education Association, the following paper argues that the ideological inclinations of union leaders hindered their efforts to protect K-12 public school teachers. The attacks on academic freedom rights during the McCarthy era would thus have implications for years to come in regard to the ability of K-12 teachers to exercise their intellectual autonomy.展开更多
Ever since Lawrence Goodwyn published The Populist Moment, social historians have been keenly aware of the power culture represents when it comes to resistance. Historically, ＂movement culture＂ has been used to crea...Ever since Lawrence Goodwyn published The Populist Moment, social historians have been keenly aware of the power culture represents when it comes to resistance. Historically, ＂movement culture＂ has been used to create a collective climate and offered political activists a springboard to discuss with the masses the benefits of joining a social movement. ＂Beyond the Dreams of Loveliness＂ uses the cultural outlet of film and the labor movement in the city of Detroit as analytical tools to examine working class community resistance throughout the 1930s. In the midst of the ＂golden age of film＂ community activists and union organizers--some of whom were well-known radicals and some of whom were mainstream unionists--used the institution of cinema to instill a level of class consciousness in the masses and mobilize the working class community against exploitation of employers, reactionary politicians, and white supremacist organizations. Movie-going had been a very popular form of recreation in Detroit since the 1920s and downtown theatres increasingly became the destination of an eclectic array of workers. Movie theaters themselves were bastions of community activity around the thirties and many were located in the heart of the city＇s working class district. Yet it was the films themselves that offered community activists and unionists a chance to converse with workers regarding the socio-economic matters of the day. Hollywood released a good number of films that dealt with working class issues and provided activists with ample opportunities to ＂instruct＂ the audience and carry on the discussion into the factory or union halls. ＂Beyond the Dreams of Loveliness＂ relies on a combination of oral histories, movie reviews, film clips, and union and/or working class organizational records to illuminate how activists in Detroit＇s working class community used film as an outlet to inspire working class resistance. In sum, film provided an accessible form of entertainment that proved to be effective on two fronts： It promoted increased group cooperation, friendship, and alliances while it also fostered a shared culture, making it easier for activists to organize workers in the coming struggles for unionism.展开更多
文摘While professional associations connected to higher education such as the American Association of University Professors fought to defend its members against the anti-communism of the 1950s, evidence suggests that teachers＇ unions failed in this role. Drawing upon the archival records and publications of the American Federation of Teachers and National Education Association, the following paper argues that the ideological inclinations of union leaders hindered their efforts to protect K-12 public school teachers. The attacks on academic freedom rights during the McCarthy era would thus have implications for years to come in regard to the ability of K-12 teachers to exercise their intellectual autonomy.
文摘Ever since Lawrence Goodwyn published The Populist Moment, social historians have been keenly aware of the power culture represents when it comes to resistance. Historically, ＂movement culture＂ has been used to create a collective climate and offered political activists a springboard to discuss with the masses the benefits of joining a social movement. ＂Beyond the Dreams of Loveliness＂ uses the cultural outlet of film and the labor movement in the city of Detroit as analytical tools to examine working class community resistance throughout the 1930s. In the midst of the ＂golden age of film＂ community activists and union organizers--some of whom were well-known radicals and some of whom were mainstream unionists--used the institution of cinema to instill a level of class consciousness in the masses and mobilize the working class community against exploitation of employers, reactionary politicians, and white supremacist organizations. Movie-going had been a very popular form of recreation in Detroit since the 1920s and downtown theatres increasingly became the destination of an eclectic array of workers. Movie theaters themselves were bastions of community activity around the thirties and many were located in the heart of the city＇s working class district. Yet it was the films themselves that offered community activists and unionists a chance to converse with workers regarding the socio-economic matters of the day. Hollywood released a good number of films that dealt with working class issues and provided activists with ample opportunities to ＂instruct＂ the audience and carry on the discussion into the factory or union halls. ＂Beyond the Dreams of Loveliness＂ relies on a combination of oral histories, movie reviews, film clips, and union and/or working class organizational records to illuminate how activists in Detroit＇s working class community used film as an outlet to inspire working class resistance. In sum, film provided an accessible form of entertainment that proved to be effective on two fronts： It promoted increased group cooperation, friendship, and alliances while it also fostered a shared culture, making it easier for activists to organize workers in the coming struggles for unionism.
