The Formation of U.S.Policy to Establish Military Bases in the Philippines in the Early Postwar Period and Its Implications

U.S.military bases in the Philippines has always been one of the most intriguing issues in the relationshs between the two countries.In 1934,the U.S.and the Philippines signed the Tydings-McDuffie Act,in which the U.S.promised to resolve the issue of U.S.bases in the Philippines through negotiations.However,after the outbreak of World War II,the U.S.changed its attitude as its strategic thinking changed.The Philippines was also in need for U.S.support after the war,so it wanted the U.S.troops to remain stationed in the Philippines.To this end,the two countries signed the Military Bases Agreement.The Philippines was thus integrated into the U.S.global strategic system,becoming a bridgehead and strategic pivot for the U.S.in the Asian region.To ensure the"special status"of its military bases in the Philippines,the U.S.government spared no effort in securing"privileges"for them and supporting pro-U.S.politicians to hold state power in order to continue"colonizing"the Philippines.This has caused serious damage to the sovereignty and independence as well as national development of the Philippines.

The US Military Bases in the Gulf Cooperation Council States:Dynamics of Readjustment

Since the end of the Gulf War in 1991,the US military bases in the GCC states have evolved functionally from the dual containment of Iran and Iraq to the consolidation of its predominance in the Gulf region.Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks,the US readjustment of its military bases in the GCC states features two attributes.First,the task of the bases has transformed from fighting the Iraq War to the more complex and enduring tasks of maintaining the Gulf security,countering terrorists and containing Iran.Second,the major military base deployment has shifted from Saudi Arabia to Qatar,Bahrain and other GCC states,so a multi-faceted security mechanism under the US leadership has taken shape,which has overshadowed the Iranian-proposed collective security appeal.In Obama’s presidency,the deployment of the US military bases in the GCC states has revealed five new and distinct features,i.e.the bases are extending geographically,diminishing in size,increasingly approaching the potential enemies,strong in mobility and being gradually interlinked with other bases in Central Asia,Turkey and Djibouti.

Sentry Box in the Backyard: Analysis of French Military Bases in Africa

Foreign military bases are the important means for power projection.In Africa,military bases represent the symbol of France’s sphere of influence,which have strengthened France’s protection of her economic,political,cultural,overseas national and security interests.The bases are of great significance to enhance French intervention capabilities,making France the most influential external power in the African continent.After the upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011,France will likely want to return to North Africa militarily and seek to restore a military presence in the region within a multilateral framework,with the objective of linking her domestic Toulon naval base with her military presence in North Africa,Gabon,the Ivory Coast,Djibouti,and Abu Dhabi,thus making France a dominant player in the“Arc of Instability”which extends from West Africa to the Persian Gulf.

From Hard Military Bases to Soft Military Presence: US Military Deployment in Iraq Reassessed

By the end of 2011,the US had closed all hard military bases in Iraq,but its“soft”military presence remained using private security contractors,military and intelligent officers located in the US embassy and in US consulates,US military training officers and consultants,and deployed special operation forces.Such soft military presence is of great importance and significance.At the national level,it helps Washington to stabilize and control the Iraqi situation;at the regional level,it can secure a strategic balance between Shi’a and Sunni sectors,which is essential for the US to respond to a rising nuclear Iran;at the global level,this soft military presence helps to cut US military expenditure and shift its strategic focus from the Greater Middle East to the Asia-Pacific regions.The soft military presence in Iraq reflects Obama’s“New Thinking”Doctrine on military deployment in the Middle East,which resembles lily-pads with stronger mobilization and flexibility.

NATO vs. SCO: A Comparative Study of Outside Powers’ Military Presence in Central Asia and the Gulf

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO)and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO)both have geopolitical interests in Central Asia and the Gulf.The former is a military alliance,whose members have built substantial presence in the Greater Middle East,including the US military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti,Iraq,Kuwait,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,the UAE,Bahrain and Oman;the British military presence in Afghanistan and Bahrain;the French military presence in Afghanistan,Djibouti and the UAE.In comparison,SCO is a political bloc,whose members are at a low level of military integration.Like Russia’s military presence in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan,China has logistics base in Djibouti;India has military presence in Tajikistan.The three SCO members enjoy better geographical proximality,while the three NATO members are stronger in military deployments and power projection capabilities.The SCO major powers have consolidated their respective land power in Central Asia,while NATO members have obtained both land power in Afghanistan and marine power in the Gulf.While the SCO’s and NATO’s respective military positions have been strengthened,Central Asia and the Gulf are faced with serious economic,political and social problems and interstate conflict.In the light of this,the military presence of outside NATO and SCO powers may rest on a weak foundation and may face various hurdles in the future.