IT is 45 years since Chen Xiuhe and I married on January 31, 1948, when my hometown was liberated. However, at that time there existed no law about marriage, so mine was an old-style union. My mother was ill and our d...IT is 45 years since Chen Xiuhe and I married on January 31, 1948, when my hometown was liberated. However, at that time there existed no law about marriage, so mine was an old-style union. My mother was ill and our domestic affairs needed managing. My parents and hers decided for us that we should be married—I was 15 and she was 18. I didn’t know much about worldly affairs except I knew I should study展开更多
Although the notion of the new woman in modern China has received much scholarly consideration, her usually illiterate rural sister has not received nearly as much critical attention. With the exception of Lu Xun＇s i...Although the notion of the new woman in modern China has received much scholarly consideration, her usually illiterate rural sister has not received nearly as much critical attention. With the exception of Lu Xun＇s iconic Xianglin sao--from his 1924 story ＂Zhufu＂ （The New Year＇s Sacrifice）--almost no depictions of traditional women have been critically appraised in current scholarship. This seems unfortunate when such women can be considered to be both the opposite of and the raw material from which the new woman would spring. This article seeks to begin to address this question by juxtaposing Xianglin sao with another more unfamiliar May Fourth depiction of a rural woman： Liuyi jie （from Bing Xin＇s story of the same name）. By situating Liuyi jie and Xianglin sao firmly within the family structure, the resulting comparison of both stories reveals the structural obstacles that inhibited traditional women from becoming fully active subjects in the new China. The comparison also shows how the May Fourth project established a new woman, one capable of ushering in a newly modern China, whose very existence relies on the discursive silencing of old-style women unable to make this modern transition.展开更多
文摘IT is 45 years since Chen Xiuhe and I married on January 31, 1948, when my hometown was liberated. However, at that time there existed no law about marriage, so mine was an old-style union. My mother was ill and our domestic affairs needed managing. My parents and hers decided for us that we should be married—I was 15 and she was 18. I didn’t know much about worldly affairs except I knew I should study
文摘Although the notion of the new woman in modern China has received much scholarly consideration, her usually illiterate rural sister has not received nearly as much critical attention. With the exception of Lu Xun＇s iconic Xianglin sao--from his 1924 story ＂Zhufu＂ （The New Year＇s Sacrifice）--almost no depictions of traditional women have been critically appraised in current scholarship. This seems unfortunate when such women can be considered to be both the opposite of and the raw material from which the new woman would spring. This article seeks to begin to address this question by juxtaposing Xianglin sao with another more unfamiliar May Fourth depiction of a rural woman： Liuyi jie （from Bing Xin＇s story of the same name）. By situating Liuyi jie and Xianglin sao firmly within the family structure, the resulting comparison of both stories reveals the structural obstacles that inhibited traditional women from becoming fully active subjects in the new China. The comparison also shows how the May Fourth project established a new woman, one capable of ushering in a newly modern China, whose very existence relies on the discursive silencing of old-style women unable to make this modern transition.
