Shu(now Sichuan Province in the southwest of China) was famous for silk production.Many poets of the Tang Dynasty praised the magnificence of Shu brocade and embroidery.They also meticulously recorded the good sales a...Shu(now Sichuan Province in the southwest of China) was famous for silk production.Many poets of the Tang Dynasty praised the magnificence of Shu brocade and embroidery.They also meticulously recorded the good sales and popularity of Shu's mulberry silk fabrics in Jinling(now Nanjing) and Yangzhou through shipments along the Yangtze River and further to Southeast and South Asian countries.Tang poetry provides evidence for the significant role the Shu area played in the trade and commerce of the Maritime Silk Road.展开更多
Outward Foreign Direct Investment （OFDI） from the People＇s Republic of China （＂China＂） has been expandingworldwide, much as Inward Foreign Direct Investment （IFDI） from the world into China has burgeoned, at ...Outward Foreign Direct Investment （OFDI） from the People＇s Republic of China （＂China＂） has been expandingworldwide, much as Inward Foreign Direct Investment （IFDI） from the world into China has burgeoned, at leastuntil very recently. Global FDI declined worldwide in 2014, with China＇s IFDI declining less than many placeselsewhere, resulting in China overtaking the United States as the world＇s most attractive location for FDI for thefirst time since 2003, before India overtook China in 2015 （Iyengar, 2015）. In 2014, meanwhile, for the first time,China＇s OFDI exceeded its IFDI, rendering it a net exporter of FDI, signaling the end of the approach to the end ofChina as a developing nation （Yao ＆ Wang, 2014）. What does this mean？ More than anything else, one mustconsider two factors in assessing China＇s 21st century foreign ambitions： Is its One Belt, One Road （OBOR） ageopolitical tetrahedron as some allege, if so, economically or militarily？ Is its maritime policy across the WesternPacific Rim of Asia aimed at constructing a fleet of surface cruisers and submarines to wage a guerre de course（war of the chase）, much as German vice admiral Wolfgang Wegener urged Imperial Germany to do in world War Ithen Nazi Germany to do in World War II, in an effort to dominate merchant sea routes thereby disrupting supplieswithout recourse to a ＂balanced fleet＂ such as Britain possessed in World Wars I and II and the United Statesoperates currently？ Both China＇s ＂New Silk Road＂ and the ＂New Maritime Silk Route＂ are at the root of ageopolitical tetrahedron. Chinese domination of the South China Sea and to a lesser extent of the East China Searegions signals its potential guerre de course strategy. Is there an antidote to conflict in Asia, if so, what is it？展开更多
The liberal economic policies which have been developed in China in the 1980s have significantly produced a“new demographic”reality with an increasing proportion of about 350 to 400-million strong Chinese middle cla...The liberal economic policies which have been developed in China in the 1980s have significantly produced a“new demographic”reality with an increasing proportion of about 350 to 400-million strong Chinese middle class.This new reality is starting to affect the conduct and direction of China’s foreign policy particularly toward countries in Middle East and Southeast Asian regions,which hold considerable amount of energy resources,such as crude oil and gas.The“One Belt One Road”initiative(OBOR),proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013,signals the reinvigoration of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route as a necessary measure to meet future Chinese demand for energy and open markets for its surplus products.Over the last two years,various Middle East countries,such as Iran,Saudi Arabia,United Arab Emirates,Turkey,Israel have watched China in cultural and political arenas.China’s economic needs have triggered this development.The same year,China’s president visited Indonesia and pledged a$40 billion fund to develop infrastructures along the route.With the new silk route proposal,China would be able to guarantee not only the stable energy supply from the Middle East but also access the markets of Southeast Asian countries.However,diverse views arising from this proposal questioned China’s real intentions.Has China’s proposal been designed to reorder Asia and contain US pivot to Asia?Does it signal the enlargement of China’s regional influence using its economic might?What does this policy say about ASEAN member countries,particularly the Philippines?This article however argues that China’s regional and international expansion is a natural byproduct of its economic weight;it also argues that the Middle East and maritime Southeast Asian countries can expect maximum economic and political gains from joining the“One Belt One Road”initiative.展开更多
As an integral component of the ＂One Belt and One Road＂ strategic vision, the construction of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road will reflect the developing path of China＇ s maritime geo-economy with significant p...As an integral component of the ＂One Belt and One Road＂ strategic vision, the construction of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road will reflect the developing path of China＇ s maritime geo-economy with significant polit- ical and diplomatic implications. Although the construction of the new maritime silk road has its？ endogenous logic and justified considerations, it will encounter various challenges and difficulties. In order to achieve the strategic goal of setting up a community？ of common interest and？ destiny with the relative countries, the ＂Maritime Silk Road＂ program has to be advanced cautiously with the principles of wide consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits.展开更多
文摘Shu(now Sichuan Province in the southwest of China) was famous for silk production.Many poets of the Tang Dynasty praised the magnificence of Shu brocade and embroidery.They also meticulously recorded the good sales and popularity of Shu's mulberry silk fabrics in Jinling(now Nanjing) and Yangzhou through shipments along the Yangtze River and further to Southeast and South Asian countries.Tang poetry provides evidence for the significant role the Shu area played in the trade and commerce of the Maritime Silk Road.
文摘Outward Foreign Direct Investment （OFDI） from the People＇s Republic of China （＂China＂） has been expandingworldwide, much as Inward Foreign Direct Investment （IFDI） from the world into China has burgeoned, at leastuntil very recently. Global FDI declined worldwide in 2014, with China＇s IFDI declining less than many placeselsewhere, resulting in China overtaking the United States as the world＇s most attractive location for FDI for thefirst time since 2003, before India overtook China in 2015 （Iyengar, 2015）. In 2014, meanwhile, for the first time,China＇s OFDI exceeded its IFDI, rendering it a net exporter of FDI, signaling the end of the approach to the end ofChina as a developing nation （Yao ＆ Wang, 2014）. What does this mean？ More than anything else, one mustconsider two factors in assessing China＇s 21st century foreign ambitions： Is its One Belt, One Road （OBOR） ageopolitical tetrahedron as some allege, if so, economically or militarily？ Is its maritime policy across the WesternPacific Rim of Asia aimed at constructing a fleet of surface cruisers and submarines to wage a guerre de course（war of the chase）, much as German vice admiral Wolfgang Wegener urged Imperial Germany to do in world War Ithen Nazi Germany to do in World War II, in an effort to dominate merchant sea routes thereby disrupting supplieswithout recourse to a ＂balanced fleet＂ such as Britain possessed in World Wars I and II and the United Statesoperates currently？ Both China＇s ＂New Silk Road＂ and the ＂New Maritime Silk Route＂ are at the root of ageopolitical tetrahedron. Chinese domination of the South China Sea and to a lesser extent of the East China Searegions signals its potential guerre de course strategy. Is there an antidote to conflict in Asia, if so, what is it？
文摘The liberal economic policies which have been developed in China in the 1980s have significantly produced a“new demographic”reality with an increasing proportion of about 350 to 400-million strong Chinese middle class.This new reality is starting to affect the conduct and direction of China’s foreign policy particularly toward countries in Middle East and Southeast Asian regions,which hold considerable amount of energy resources,such as crude oil and gas.The“One Belt One Road”initiative(OBOR),proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013,signals the reinvigoration of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Route as a necessary measure to meet future Chinese demand for energy and open markets for its surplus products.Over the last two years,various Middle East countries,such as Iran,Saudi Arabia,United Arab Emirates,Turkey,Israel have watched China in cultural and political arenas.China’s economic needs have triggered this development.The same year,China’s president visited Indonesia and pledged a$40 billion fund to develop infrastructures along the route.With the new silk route proposal,China would be able to guarantee not only the stable energy supply from the Middle East but also access the markets of Southeast Asian countries.However,diverse views arising from this proposal questioned China’s real intentions.Has China’s proposal been designed to reorder Asia and contain US pivot to Asia?Does it signal the enlargement of China’s regional influence using its economic might?What does this policy say about ASEAN member countries,particularly the Philippines?This article however argues that China’s regional and international expansion is a natural byproduct of its economic weight;it also argues that the Middle East and maritime Southeast Asian countries can expect maximum economic and political gains from joining the“One Belt One Road”initiative.
文摘As an integral component of the ＂One Belt and One Road＂ strategic vision, the construction of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road will reflect the developing path of China＇ s maritime geo-economy with significant polit- ical and diplomatic implications. Although the construction of the new maritime silk road has its？ endogenous logic and justified considerations, it will encounter various challenges and difficulties. In order to achieve the strategic goal of setting up a community？ of common interest and？ destiny with the relative countries, the ＂Maritime Silk Road＂ program has to be advanced cautiously with the principles of wide consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits.
