＂Institutionalization＂ as Weapons of the Weak： ASEAN Countries and the South China Sea Disputes

＂Institutionalization＂ can be understood as a process of norm and law setting to regulate and control individual attitudes. An institutionalized area could be more stable and ordered, then the relationships between the factors can be identified by the predicted signals. Institutions can help to provide a key form of such frameworks, through which all states, but especially the stronger states, can use rules and other normative expectations of conduct in the international relation. Weaker states, in return, gain limits on the action of the leading states and access to the political process, in which they can press their interests. This article analyzes the disputes in the South China Sea~, particularly between China and ASEAN countries to prove the argument. It is argued that ASEAN, in the situation of power asymmetry between dominant （power-holders） and dominated groups, has used ＂institution＂ and ＂institutionalization＂ as a countermeasure to constrain the powerful China in the two ways： （1） trying to lock-in China in a rule-based order, in order to restrict its power, and （2） by institutionalizing the way in which the disputes in the South China Sea should be resolved, ASEAN countries want to create a frameworks for setting rules of games, which are shaped by principles and norms instead of balance-of-power.

Evidence of China's sea boundary in the South China Sea

According to a series of important historical maps,i.e.,the Location Map of the South China Sea Islands,the Nansha Islands,Zhongsha Islands,Xisha Islands,Yongxing Island and Shidao Island,and Taiping Island（archived by the Territorial Administration Division of the Ministry of Interior of Republic of China in 1946）,and the Administration District Map of the Republic of China published in 1948,the dashed line surrounding the South China Sea Islands represents China＇s sea boundary in the South China Sea at that time.It was both connected with,and an extension of,the land boundary of China.At that time the dashed line was used to represent the waters boundaries while the solid line was used to represent the land boundary—a universal method used in maps that was then recognized internationally.The above observation provides historical and scientific evidence of China＇s sea boundary in the South China Sea that is useful for the international maritime delimitation over the South China Sea area.

The status quo and perfection of maritime law enforcement system in China-from the perspective of law enforcement of rights and security in the South China Sea

China enjoys historic rights over the South China Sea. It has become a controversial sea area due to the loopholes in the modern law of the sea. It is competed by neighboring countries for its interests, which exacerbate the tense situation in China＇s enforcement of maritime rights protection and poses the serious threat to our country＇s sovereignty over the South China Sea. The article takes the South China Sea controversial maritime rights enforcement model as the starting point. It contrasts the status quo of maritime rights enforcement system both at home and abroad, and analyzes the existing laws and regulations of maritime rights protection system in our country, such as the imperfect laws and regulations, the unreasonable establishment of law enforcement agencies and the imperfect law enforcement system. It also puts forward the strategy and idea of perfecting the law enforcement system of maritime rights protection in our country, which is of far-reaching significance to the strategy of safeguarding the maritime rights and interests of China and building a maritime power.

The Turn of the Tide:Explaining China’s Growing Assertiveness in the South China Sea

Before the late 2000s,China employed a diplomatic“next generation”approach to its territorial disputes in the South China Sea(SCS).Beginning in the late 2000s,however,China has assumed threatening attitudes,and taken a strong stand against other disputants.Why has China recently shown its assertiveness when dealing with the South China Sea issue?This study argues that two factors-China’s growing naval capabilities and the growing presence of China’s strategic rivals around the South China Sea-led China to adopt a more assertive policy regarding the South China Sea issue.

South China Sea Territorial Disputes and Sino-Philippine Trade

As political factors affect trade activities greatly, this paper considers whether a series of political events have had a negative impact on Sino-Philippine trade relations. Of particular concern is the influence on bilateral relations and the Philippines' domestic economy from political and diplomatic tensions between China and the Philippines caused by territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Political events are divided into two levels, general conflicts and serious conflicts, which are analyzed from the perspectives of both overall level and product level to present their final impact on trade. This research finds that territorial disputes between the two countries deteriorated trade, as the volume of trade usually decreased distinctly after conflicts. The negative impact on trade generated by serious conflicts usually occurred more rapidly and on a larger scale. The effect of trade deterioration caused by political events weakened over time. Furthermore, after serious conflicts, although the volume of trade of certain products decreased temporarily, it rebounded quickly or even increased soon. However, industrial equipment or industrial raw materials trade activities between the two countries were basically independent of the conflicts' impact.

“印太战略”框架下澳越关系的发展及影响

在“印太战略”框架下,近年来澳越两国关系不断升级,双方合作全面推进,两国尤其强化了在防务安全领域的合作和南海问题上的战略协调。澳大利亚希望借助与越南关系的升级提升地区影响力和彰显中等强国地位;越南则希望在南海问题上获得澳大利亚的支持。澳越关系的深化对南海局势及亚太地区秩序的稳定都将产生一定的影响。在推进两国合作制衡中国的战略盘算和应对所谓“中国威胁”的共识下,澳越两国关系将会继续深化,尤其是海洋安全领域的合作将会是两国关系的主要内容。为了维护南海局势和地区秩序的稳定,中国和东盟国家要相向而行,尽力排除域外国家介入南海争端,构建中国和东盟国家共同主导的南海地区秩序。

日本强化东盟国家海上安保能力的政策及影响分析

利用东盟国家在南海问题上发难,是日本牵制中国、呼应美国的重要政策手段。基于这一地缘政治考虑,日本主要从海域态势感知、海上执法与海上防卫等三个方面为东盟强化海上安保能力提供支持。为了评估这一政策的具体落实及其对南海局势的实际影响,本文从地缘政治视角出发,对日本支持东盟强化海上安保能力进行了系统评估,并以南海争端中两个主要争议方越南、菲律宾为重点,分析了日本政策的演进及其特点。总体上看,日本的支持提高了相关东盟国家海上安保能力现代化的水平,增强了相关东盟国家对抗中国的信心,增加了南海冲突发生的机率,从而成为恶化南海局势的重要外部诱因。与此同时,日本政策及其影响受到东盟大国平衡立场以及不同成员国认知的限制。展望未来,日本在美国的鼓励与要求下还会进一步强化其对东南亚局势的介入,部分东盟国家特别是菲律宾与日本的互动可能进一步强化,中国维护南海的和平与稳定的努力也将面临更大的挑战。

20世纪70年代中国香港报刊对西沙事态的反应——以《明报月刊》为考察中心

1974年1月,西沙海战爆发后,中国香港报刊积极报道与战事相关的内容,对中国香港社会的维权动态以及南海诸岛史地知识亦多有着墨,但很少深入探讨中国南海主权。相对而言,《明报月刊》则刊登了一系列由中国香港、中国台湾学者和海外华人学者所撰写的学术维权文章,为中国南海诸岛主权的论证提供了历史和法理依据。

越南建构的南海历史地名叙事及其存在的逻辑问题

在中越之间关于南海的争议中,越南方面找到诸多历史资料来支撑其主张。这些史料中的地名繁杂而混乱,但却被罗织成相互关联的地名关系。这种历史叙述看似系统而完整,但其各个节点却缺乏充分的证据和合理的逻辑。以越南发行的白皮书为线索,可以找到越南建构南海历史叙述的主要依据。详细考察这些越南和西方文献中相关地名之间的关系,即可进一步发现越南南海主张中的历史地名叙事逻辑及其问题所在。

国民政府进驻南海诸岛前后对南海疆域主权的认知与维护

观念是行动的先导。历经“日占东沙岛”、“何瑞年承领西沙”和“法占九小岛”等事件的刺激和影响,中国人民对南海疆域的认知不仅从“天下观”向“国家观”转型,也对“领海”“海权”等近代海洋概念有了初步的认识和理解。在海洋权益遭受列强掠夺和侵占等背景下,更是逐渐形成“争主权于万难”的行动自觉。伴随着抗日战争的胜利,中国政府基于战后国际秩序所享有的权利,积极擘画收复南海诸岛。在筹备进驻工作过程中,不仅明晰了南海诸岛的管辖隶属、地理位置、收复范围、进驻风险和难度等问题,更在顺利进驻后,在“建设西南沙群岛巩固国防,力保主权”和“要认识国土”等思想认知下,通过有计划、有组织地引导民众参与南海主权维护,直接引发了国人更大范围、更深层次、更宽领域的南海维权行动,进而逐渐形成以政府为主导、民众积极参与的南海疆域主权捍卫互动局面,产生了深远的历史影响。

边界争端、威胁认知与印越在南海的战略互动态势

面对实力强于自身的国家,选择与他国合作以制衡强国,是行为体的潜在反应之一。在边界争端形势较为严峻的背景下,印度和越南不断强化在南海战略互动和合作,加剧了南海争端的复杂态势。在影响印越南海战略合作的诸多因素中,边界争端和威胁认知是关键变量。边界争端框定两国南海合作政策变化的整体方向,威胁认知左右两国行动意愿强度。当中印和中越边界争端形势均较为严峻时,支撑印越南海靠近的条件较为充分,两国在该区域的战略互动就极易发生;当任意一国和中国边界争端局势有所缓和时,支撑两国南海频繁互动的条件会相应弱化,其在南海的战略合作强度就会有所减弱。通过对中越“中建南事件”和中印“洞朗事件”进行案例比较以及个案内的过程追踪分析,该论点得到了验证。尽管边界争端和共同对华威胁感知是驱使印越强化南海互动的动力源之一,但两国战略重点的不同和高度异质的威胁感知,会增强两国南海战略互动过程的复杂性及效果的不确定性。

中美战略竞争与东盟内部凝聚力

在地区权力加速转移的背景下,东南亚成为中美两国战略博弈的重要地缘方向。东盟的内部凝聚力是指东盟各国能否就某一议题达成政策共识,并形成东盟层面一致决策的组织向心力。文章认为,中美之间日趋激烈的竞争态势将严重削弱东盟的内部凝聚力,中美竞争烈度的不断攀升可能导致东盟内部在部分议题上难以达成一致意见。中美竞争作用于东盟共识的过程包含以下三个递进的层次:首先,中美竞争烈度的上升及两国对东盟不断加注的行为使东盟面临“选边站”的压力,东盟国家被迫在中美之间作出选择。其次,由于国家实力、联盟关系、领土冲突及历史记忆对东盟国家领导人的不同作用,东盟内部在“选边站”的立场上出现严重分歧。最后,以“东盟方式”为核心的东盟决策机制无法有效弥合东盟内部的分歧,东盟在中美博弈的重要议题上陷入决策困境。东盟国家在应对南海争端、“印太战略”上的政策分歧表明,中美逐渐凸显不兼容性的竞争正在激起东盟国家内部的立场差异。未来以地区制度为中心的大国竞争可能对东盟的区域影响力造成一定影响。

拜登政府涉南海小多边机制对东盟中心地位的影响

拜登政府执政以来,美国通过推进小多边机制建设强化介入南海问题力度,使得印太地区小多边合作呈繁荣态势。拜登政府的南海政策继承了特朗普政府的核心逻辑,与此同时,在小多边机制的合作深度、安全战略谋划和军事力量运用等方面均有了新的变化和发展。一方面,拜登政府新建立系列小多边安全机制,如美英澳三边安全伙伴关系、美日澳菲四方安全合作机制、美日菲三边安全合作机制等;另一方面,全面升级美日印澳四方安全对话机制、深化美日韩和美日澳三边关系等旧有小多边安全机制。拜登政府涉南海小多边机制建设,一定程度上冲击了“东盟中心地位”的多边主义规范,影响东盟中心地位的机制效果,还削弱东盟中心地位影响力。尽管美国试图构建小多边安全机制围堵中国,但是合作内容重叠、成员参与意图和意愿不一等将限制相关小多边机制作用的发挥。

新中国南海主权教育图书的编撰历程、特色及价值

新中国南海主权教育图书出版历程经历了萌芽与起步、调整与优化、创新与发展、丰富与繁荣4个阶段,出版了与南海相关的图书上千种,极大丰富了南海主权教育事业。南海主权教育图书编撰体现出增进知识、点燃情感、厚植意志、强化行动等现实导向,引导民众关心南海、认识南海、经略南海,有效增强了国民南海海洋意识,维护了我国南海海洋权益,改变了国际社会的认知态度,推动了南海维权证据链建设。

南海主权争端的战略态势及中国的应对方略

南海作为一个具有战略通道功能和能源基地功能的特殊区域,在中国这个陆海复合型国家的地缘战略中具有特别重要地位。南海形势的持续紧张固然有其历史成因,但亦反映出当今中国在和平崛起过程中地缘环境趋于复杂的残酷现实。本文首先从南海地理概况、南海问题的历史沿革、国际社会对中国主权的认同三个方面辨析南海疆域地理格局和南海问题的动态演进;其次通过对南海权益争端脉络的梳理,指出南海问题在本质上已从中国与东盟当事国之间纯粹的资源争夺和领土争端,异化为西方大国阻击中国和平崛起的空间战场和历史节点;然后根据中国在"崛而未起"阶段特殊的敏感性和脆弱性,指出能力和意愿的不足是导致中国在南海问题上战略被动的主要原因;文章最后提出了应对南海局势的基本思路:在坚持"区内问题区内解决"原则,力争在双边或多边制度框架内和平化解矛盾和冲突的同时,要树立维护国家主权的坚定意志,防范个别国家出现战略误判,并加大对该地区的战略资源投放,逐步强化对争议海域的有效管理和实际控制。

论证南海海疆国界线

追溯探查历史图件,根据1946年内政部方域司编制的一组"南海诸岛位置图"(南海诸岛位置图,南沙群岛,中沙群岛,西沙群岛,西沙群岛永兴岛及石岛,南沙群岛太平岛)和1948年出版的"中华民国行政区域图"分析,南海诸岛外围的断续线段是我国在南海的海疆国界线;当时划定,是与陆域国界相连的,海上国界是陆域国界的延伸,以断续线段表示是国际地图上对海疆国界线通用的表示方法,当时即获国际认可。上述结果为南海划界提供了科学依据。

南海争端对我国南海渔业的影响和对策

本文分析了南海争端和南海渔业的现状,以及南海争端对我国南海渔业产生的重大影响,主要有南海争端现状复杂,渔民实际捕鱼区域范围未定;渔业资源过度捕捞,渔业资源难以可持续发展;渔业纠纷加剧,渔业监管难度加大;我国渔民安全很难保证;渔业增效和渔民增收困难等。提出了创造一个稳定的南海渔业发展环境,共同投资开发南沙渔业资源,加大对南沙渔业的扶持力度,提高南海周边国家对渔业资源保护的理解,降低捕捞强度,加强南沙渔业基础设施建设,保障渔民安全等南沙渔业发展对策。

论解决南海争端的国际法路径

南海自古以来就是我国不可分割的一部分,但由于其丰富的油气资源与重要的海上地位而越来越成为各国争夺的焦点。进一步复杂化、国际化的南海争端已经逐渐陷入了既打不得,又谈不拢,更拖不起的被动局面。我国基于先占原则而取得的南海主权是与《联合国海洋法公约》及相关判例的规定相一致的。在寻求解决南海争端的过程中,我们应当以中国—东盟自由贸易区的建立为契机,积极促成具有法律拘束力的双边或多边条约的签订;以国际海洋法庭为平台,有效利用司法途径解决南海争端;以历史性水域法则为突破口,寻求国际海洋法的承认与支持。

中国南海油气资源前景

南海处于欧亚板块、太平洋板块和印—澳板块三大板块的交汇处,经历了复杂的地质作用和演化过程,在其北部、西部和中南部形成了数目众多、类型各异的沉积盆地,石油地质条件优越,油气资源潜力巨大。其中南海北部陆架区已经成为中国近海的主要油气产区之一,陆坡深水区的勘探也获得了重大突破。目前,我国传统疆域内的油气资源正在不断受到南海周边国家的蚕食,因此,应该加快南海地区的油气资源勘探,切实维护国家主权和领土完整。