The Power Paradigm of the King Salman Period: Building a Saudi Soft Power?

Saudi foreign policy entered into a transformation period towardsa de-militarization and de-escalation with the regional and nonregionalactors since the Al-Ula Peace in January 2021. Under thesupervision of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi decision-makers constructed a new domestic power paradigm basedon economic diversification and an ambitious Saudi nationdescribed in the 2030 Saudi Vision. Accordingly, the changingregional security perceptions of the regional actors based on diplomaticmanoeuvres awakened Saudi Arabia to invest in buildingsoft power apart from the religious leadership in the Muslimworld. Thus, the King Salman period experiences producing aSaudi soft power in cultural, social, political, and economic wayswhile silencing the religious rhetoric in foreign policy making.

The Relation between Regional Power Policies of Turkey and the Media Strategy of President Erdogan

This research investigates the relation between regional power policies of Turkey and the media strategy of President Erdogan.After the coup attempt on July 15,2016,the Justice and Development Party started to implement regional power policies,which are focusing on security affairs.The political power fell into the hands of the President.Regional power policies are used as a legitimised as a tool for the transition to authoritarianism.The main purpose of this transition is to suppress dissident voices by controlling the media.In this article,I argue that President Erdogan uses regional power policies as a tool to control the national media.The President is trying to create the image of a world leader for himself by using the pro-government media companies.Turkey's of natural gas,the Libya issue and the NATO Summit in Madrid will be discussed in terms of media's perspectives.

The Role of Islam in the Development of the‘Belt and Road’Initiative

Historically,the interaction between the religion and trade has not only promoted the expansion of Islam along the Land and Maritime Silk Road,but also developed a close relationship between China and the Islamic world.Now Islam is one of the most influential and widely distributed religions in the world.Being in the core sections of Land and Maritime Silk Road,the Middle East,Central Asia,South Asia,and Southeast Asia are the areas where Islam is a dominant religion.Therefore,for China,good relations with Islamic countries are very critical for the successful implementation of the‘Belt and Road’Initiative.China’s over 23 million Muslims(especially the Hui People)know two cultures(Chinese and Islamic),have two identities(Chinese and Muslims),and are the natural bridge between China and Islamic countries.Chinese Muslims are playing an important role in the development of Islamic finance and production of Muslim licit(halal)food products which are two potential cooperation areas between China and Islamic countries.For China and Islamic countries,it is necessary to expand cultural exchanges to eliminate some misunderstandings of each other.

An Analysis on the Perspective for Establishing the Persian Gulf Sub-regional Security Order

The Middle East has been a region involved with various problems for many years.Recently the Iranian nuclear issue is bringing the attention of the international society to the security situation in the Persian Gulf region.With the rising of Iran after the Iraq War,Iran is willing to cooperate with the other Persian Gulf states to establish a sub-regional security order.According to the regionalism theory,the establishment of the security region means a kind of effort to transfer a certain geographic region suffering from clashes among nations and domestic conflicts into a security community that will commit itself to the cooperation with the outside world and keeping peace inside.For this purpose,Iran is now improving its relation with Iraq,opening dialogue with GCC states,and pledging its neighbor states that its nuclear program is only for the peace purpose.With its advantageous conditions,strong will and active preparation,it is highly possible for Iran to establish a sub-regional stability and order in the Persian Gulf region in the future.

CPEC and the Belt and Road Initiative:Economic Implications for the Greater Middle East

This article aims to analyse the economic significance of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC),a core component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative(BRI),for the Greater Middle East with focus on Pakistan,Saudi Arabia,the United Arab Emirates(UAE),Qatar and Oman.In so doing,the article underscores on the one hand the existing economic cooperation between Pakistan and the said countries and on the other highlights China’s growing interest in the Arab World in terms of trade.In this respect,the study incorporates the economic values of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030,Qatar National Vision(2030)and Oman Vision(2040)which provide for transregional economic cooperation in terms of market connectivity.In order to realise the latter,the CPEC,as part of the BRI,offers itself as means and market to transregional stakeholders.Empirically,the study posits that CPEC under the BRI framework carries positive economic implications for the Greater Middle East on account of existing and emerging investment and trade trends transregionally.Nonetheless,prospects for economic cooperation are beset with geopolitical challenges such as the recent Iran-US stand-off.The BRI,in remedial terms,can generate stakes for transregional(non-)BRI countries,especially Iran,India and the US in order to prefer peaceful means for conflict resolution.

A Comprehensive Security Regime in the Gulf Region: Prospects and Challenges

In international politics,regional initiatives to establish peace and security have been recognised as more appropriate and pragmatic in the present complex interconnected interdependent security scenario.Regional security regimes initiated and promoted both by regional and extra-regional powers for resolving,preventing and managing crises that had grown and nurtured in the regional landscape.Conceptually,comprehensive security regimes,the hybrid of both idealist and realist schools of thought of international relations,are preferably the unique one among all other security regimes.The best example of a comprehensive security regime is the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe.Practically,the dynamic nature of Gulf regional security has become a matter of discourse to ponder upon whether the region is transforming itself on various fronts or whether regional security regimes should be explored to overcome the ongoing multiple security challenges on multidimensional aspects.Scholars have recognised Gulf security as a sub-regional security complex of a larger area which must be dealt with separately.Thus,using this conceptual framework the paper attempts to explore the feasibility of the establishment of a comprehensive security regime in the Gulf Region which can address all three levels of insecurity,regional,state and individual thereby transcend the state-centric approach to security and create security based on multi-sum principles and not on zero-sum calculations.

Promoting SCO-GCC Partnership: Shaping and Pursuing an Indian Initiative

The security scenario in West Asia is seamlessly connected;however,it impinges upon the interests of Eurasian countries that make up the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO).All SCO members are concerned about the three evils of‘terrorism,extremism and separatism’since transnational jihadi groups,such as Al Qaeda and ISIS,anchored in West Asia,get many recruits from SCO members and in turn threaten them with radicalization and violence.SCO also has concerns about the deteriorating ties between major West Asian countries,particularly Iran’s confrontation with Saudi Arabia:the two countries are engaged in proxy wars in Syria and Yemen and have shaped these conflicts in sectarian terms.With the withdrawal of the US from the Iran nuclear agreement,battle-lines have now been drawn between the US,Israel and Saudi Arabia on one side and Iran,Syria,Iraq and,possibly,Russia on the other.Given the importance of the connectivity projects that envisage a central place to West Asia and the significance of ties with the West Asian nations for all SCO members,the article will recommend that India shape and pursue a diplomatic initiative to bring the SCO closer to the GCC members,initially,as dialogue partners and perhaps observers,and later even as full members.

The Election of March 7,2010:A Turning Point of the Iraqi Future

The experience after the 2005 general election has left a deep lesson to the various political forces in Iraq;they realized that the country's security and stability require a coalition government of Shiite,Sunni and Kurdish representatives.The 2010 general election produced this kind of coalition government which will have the opportunity to achieve national unity and provide a positive signal to the neighbors that Iraq would not pose a threat to them,but at the same time,it faces enormous challenges.This elected government would have the historical responsibility to lead the country to sovereign independence and strive to improve the status and influence of Iraq in the region,especially after the US force is pulled out of Iraq at the end of 2011.Today,Iraq is at a historic crossroad,and if leaders can overcome the challenges and co-operate as a team,Iraq will move toward peace and stability;if they continue to be hostile to each other,Iraq will fall into chaos.

Da’esh and Global Terrorism:Analyzing Nexus and Threats

After unsettling some of the leading regional countries,the‘Arab Spring’reached in Syria in 2011.The violent forces it unleashed had widespread and dangerous implications for the region and the world.Groups opposed to the Syrian regime launched a struggle in March 2011,which soon turned to a civil war.The nature of the conflict was further transformed when Muslim extremist groups joined it with the objective to implement Sharia laws after the change of government.The most lethal among them is the‘Islamic State’or Da’esh,which has influence over large areas in Syria and Iraq.Through this war,the militants succeeded in amplifying the extremist message and expand the support base.Hence,they not only recruited fighters from the Arab and Muslim countries,but also attracted men and women from the far-off West.In fact,the Syrian conflict provided a rallying point to the Muslim extremists in various countries,after they had been weakened due to gradual decline of al-Qaeda.The article traces how the involvement of Da’esh in the Syrian conflict energized their global jihadist agenda.By using both primary and secondary sources,the study shows that the emergence of the Islamic State not only increased regional strife(Sunni-Shiite rivalry),but it also increased extremist outreach to strike at far off places in Europe,America and Asia.Thus,the militants of Da’esh used the Syrian war to take their extremists idea to places relatively unknown to militancy。

GCC Countries Membership in the SCO: Challenges and Prospects

Although the GCC(Gulf Cooperation Council)countries are geographically in Asia,they are closely connected to the US and the West in terms of their strategic alignment.The focus of their relations with Asian countries has been on matters related directly to oil and the liquefied natural gas(LNG)trade and investment.They do not participate in most of the regional organizations in Asia(whether in East Asia or in South and Southeast Asia),whereas some other Middle Eastern countries,such as Turkey,Iran and Israel,are active in these organizations.Even after 2013 when the big shift in the structure of international trade occurred and when,for the first time,China replaced the European Union as the GCC’s main trade partner,they still showed little interest in political/strategic links with Asian countries.The author believes that,although it is important that the GCC countries maintain strong relations with Western countries,they should also strengthen their political,security and cultural ties with Asian countries.This would cohere with their strategic interests in the emerging global order.They should initiate such a move by endeavouring to build strong relations with the regional organizations(security,economic and political)in Asia,such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO).These organizations can serve as stepping-stones to developing closer relations with the states of the region.The mission of the SCO,in particular,aligns well with the interests of the GCC,because it covers a wide range of issues which are of concern to GCC countries such as security and stability,energy,economic cooperation,combating terrorism and extremism,conflict resolution,disaster management,civilizational and religious dialogue and combating epidemics.This article discusses the importance of the SCO to the Gulf countries and explores the reasons why they have so far kept aloof from the organization.Possible challenges arising from cooperation will also be covered.The article concludes with some recommendations for how cooperation between the SCO and the GCC could be developed.

The Economic Agendas of Islamic Parties in Tunisia and Morocco:Between Discourses and Practices

Six years since the so called“Arab Spring”,this article looks at the two Islamist parties that have since then-although under different circumstances-been key political actors both in Tunisia and Morocco,respectively.It analyses,in a comparative perspective,the economic programs that the PJD in Morocco and Ennahda in Tunisia proposed during their electoral campaigns,along with the policies they implemented.By looking at their platforms and performance,the article investigates the gap between discourses and practices in order to assess to what extent contingent needs and the interplay with other political and social actors impact on Islamists’ideological perspectives and their capacity to meet societal demands.

“Development First”:China’s Investment in Seaport Constructions and Operations along the Maritime Silk Road

Seaports are crucial pivots connecting a state’s national economy with the world economy.As the largest developing country and one of the largest seaport constructors and operators in the world,China insists on the importance of improving people’s livelihood by building key seaports infrastructure,airports,power plants,highways,and railways.Invited by the host countries,China has participated broadly in the construction and operations of commercial seaports along the Maritime Silk Road,which stretches from Southwest Asia to Eastern Africa and to the Mediterranean Sea and the Maghreb.Officials in Beijing argue that the fundamental task facing the majority of developing countries along the Maritime Silk Road is development,and suggest that“bread is more important than the ballot box”.One can anticipate that when the project is executed,the threats to China’s seaport construction will range from financial burdens,ethnic conflicts,attacks carried out by extremists,and cultural misunderstandings with the host nations to great power rivalries.

A Comparative Analysis of US-Russia Middle East Energy Strategy

“Those who owns the Middle East oil,will have the world.”The world’s major energy consumers-the United States and Russia holding the“energy card”meet in the Middle East.There are consensus and also contradictions in their energy strategies and interests.Based on the comparison between the energy strategy and policy of the two countries,this article aims to provide their experience in the Middle East for China to think and learn.

Producing Knowledge in the War Zones: Challenges and Risks of Academia in Rojava

This paper is based on the ongoing studies that examines the notion of producing knowledge and pursuing academic activities under exceptional circumstances.It is argued that academia and scientific institutions are under scrutiny in terms of their inde-pendence,neutrality and quality of producing knowledge and sci-entific achievements.In the countries that have lesser chance for freedom of expression and dialogue atmosphere,scientific institu-tions are naturally under less advantage academic conditions.Arguably,they are directly connected to the interests and the will of the state or powerful groups in society.Thus,this paper tries to shed light on the conditions within which universities and aca-demic institutions in war zones and areas besieged by chaos and state failure.The paper is written with a focus on Syria and par-ticularly on North Eastern Self Administration entity of Rojava.The paper tries to look at the challenges that these institutions are facing,in terms frameworks and recognition,freedom of works and limitations,risk of life and safety,and most importantly,the quality of producing knowledge and their academic staff.Another aspect that this paper tries to highlight is the claim of providing new and different style of knowledge productions out of the frame of mainstream style of academia in the world.How alterna-tive and radical modes and methods of teaching and learning can develop in such an environment?What forms of relations between academia and society are developed,and what are the main obstacles in front of these relations?For this purpose,the focus will be on two recently established universities in Rojava,'University of Rojava and Kobane University'.My contribution is based on my experiences of working as an instructor of social and political thoughts at the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Rojava as well as my multiple visits to the actual Area of Syria and Rojava and conducting interviews with students,staff,and education policy makers in this region.

Identity,China’s foreign policy and Iran’s nuclear program

Iran’s nuclear program has been one of the most challenging international issues since the beginning of the 2010s.As an emerging superpower,China has sought to play an active role in international crises,including the Iranian nuclear case.China’s mainly focus was not whether to engage,but how to engage,and what proposals should be made when engaging to solve the dilemma in order to benefit multiple interests.This research tries to answer the question of what the components of China’s foreign policy towards Iran’s nuclear program are and how it is constructed within the framework of holistic constructivist theory.The methodology of this research is historical analysis as well as descriptive analytical methods.This paper proposes a categorisation of the six identity discourses that China exhibits on the Iranian nuclear issue.In this vein,the role of the international normative environment,which might have either aggressive or modifying impacts,should not be neglected.So China has sought to deal with Iran’s nuclear program peacefully through the framework of the Non-Proliferation Treaty in cooperation with the United States.

The Energy New World Order,Mideast Oil and US Energy Security

For over five decades,the world’s oil map has centered on the Middle East.However,with the advent of the 21st century,a new map is emerging,shifting from the Middle East to the Western Hemisphere.Some analysts assert that the world energy’s new map will change the existing world political order because the world’s new map will make the Mideast oil producers less powerful and less relevant.Furthermore,as the United States is getting less dependent on Mideast oil,it is most likely to readjust its Mideast policy accordingly.Yet,the argument in this article is that as the world has only one oil market,improved energy security of the United States alone will not necessarily lead to improved energy security on a global scale,nor will the United States automatically become immune to new disruptions of Mideast oil supply and to a new world oil price crisis.Rather,the fact that the Mideast geopolitical contradictions are structurally uncompromising and historically enduring will continue to affect the oil supply from the Middle East and therefore affect the US economy.Given the important role that the Mideast oil plays in boosting the global economy and conditioning world geopolitics,as well as in shaping America’s energy policy and economic policy,the author concludes that the power status of the Mideast oil will persist for quite some time to come.

The Muslims in France and the French Model of Integration

Local seasonal migrations have long been common in France,and the migrations can be throughout the whole Europe.The identification and assessment of such migration in European countries trace back to 1805 under the Napoleonic Empire regime,when nationality was based on jus sanguinis(Latin,right of blood)with the ultimate purpose of ensuring sufficient recruits in the Napoleonic armies,which is unlike the Republican France today that defines nationality on the basis of jus soli(Latin,right of the soil,also known as birthright citizenship).At the beginning of the 21st century,immigration has become a major challenge to the French domestic policy,and is closely linked to the issues of public safety,national identity,labor market,development of the European Union public policy,and the integration of the second generation by the secular,republican French model.The migration within and outside of the Europe demonstrates four conceptual issues:European residents’country of origin,French nationality,the exercising of French citizenship,and the construction of a personal identity in the context of a more and more complex family ethnic composition after the restructuring.

Constitutional Human Rights:Saudi Perspective

Saudi land has always been considered as sacred by Muslims,since the emergence and the cradle of Islam is Mecca to which all Muslims in the globe turn in their daily obligatory prayers.Millions of Muslims from all continents go to perform their annual pilgrimage function‘haj’in this Holy Shrine.Moreover,Saudi’s legal system and practices in respect to human rights has an impressive effect on the other members of the GCC.This paper probes constitutional human rights of Saudi Arabia.

The Cooperation between China and the Gulf Arab States in the Horn of Africa: From the Perspective of the Global South

At present,the unstoppable rise of the Global South countries and their increasing strategic autonomy has become an important per-spective to understand the current world pattern and regional cooperation,and also brings complex prospect for competition and cooperation between various forces in the Horn of Africa.As one of the most important extraterritorial forces concerning the situation of the Horn of Africa,the‘New Cold War’in the Middle East has brought certain risks to the security situation in the Horn of Africa,while the Gulf Arab States are expected to become active partners in the governance of the Horn of Africa with the arrival of the tide of Middle East reconciliation.Rather than serving as a chessboard or even pieces in the game of external powers in the past,the countries of the Horn of Africa are now trying to enhance their strategic autonomy and strengthen their solidarity to collec-tively address regional security threats.As an rightful member and key power of the Global South,China has taken the opportunity of establishing a Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Affairs to pro-vide new ideas for non-regional forces to participate constructively in the governance of the Horn of Africa.Strengthening third-party cooperation between China and Gulf Arab States in the Horn of Africa will help transform the negative intervention of non-regional forces into positive cooperation,stimulate the endogenous momentum of change in the region,and promote the develop-ment of regional governance in the Horn of Africa in a more bal-anced direction.

Challenges to The Workforce Localization in the Private Sector in Gulf Countries:Content Analysis

The discovery of oil in the Gulf countries brought strong economic growth and an influx of foreign workers for privately held companies.These countries have since maintained their growth by relying on expatriates from all over the world,particularly from South Asian countries.In contrast,locals were recruited for most of the public sector jobs.In response to significant population growth and high unemployment rates,these countries took on some initiatives,including the localisation of the workforce.This paper analyzes the current localisation effort,which is a process of replacing expatriates with local workers in six Gulf countries.A content analysis of literature is used to understand the challenges related to required skills,work hours,salary,language,and experience.Results indicate that these challenges have impeded localisation efforts in the private sector.This study has significant implications for global organisations and human resource development professionals seeking to localise a proportion of their workforce as a workforce management strategy.